INTERNATIONAL LAW AND THE JEWISH PEOPLE’S COLLECTIVE RIGHTS OF SETTLEMENT AND SELF-DETERMINATION IN THE LAND OF ISRAEL
""בְּרֵאשִׁית בָּרָא אֱלֹהִים אֵת הַשָּׁמַיִם וְאֵת הָאָרֶץ
Traditionally transliterated as: “Bereshit bara Elohim et HaShamayim v'et HaAretz” and traditionally translated as: “In the Beginning, God created the Heavens and the Earth.” -- Genesis 1:1.
In his famous commentary on the very first word of the Torah, namely, “בְּרֵאשִׁית” “Bereshit” (“In the Beginning”), Rashi (Rabbi Shlomo Yitzchaki, b. 1040 - d. 1105) states: “Rabbi Yitzchak said that it was not necessary for the Torah to begin except with [the Commandment]: ‘This month shall be for you [the beginning of months.’ -- Exodus 12:2], since this Commandment is the first Commandment that Israel was commanded [to observe as a nation]. And what is the reason that [instead] it [the Torah] begins with: ‘In the Beginning’? [This is] because of [the verse]: ‘The Strength of His Deeds He declared to His People, [in order] to give them the heritage of the nations.’ (Psalms 111:6). For, if the nations of the World should say to Israel: ‘You are thieves, because you have seized by force the lands of the seven [Canaanite] nations’, they [the Jewish people] could reply: ‘The entire World belongs to the Holy One, blessed be He. He created it and distributed [possession of] it in whatever manner was appropriate in His Eyes. Of His own Will, He gave [possession of] it [the Land of Israel] to them [the Canaanite nations], and of His own Will, He took [possession of] it [the Land of Israel] from them [the Canaanite nations] and gave [possession of] it [the Land of Israel] to us [the Jewish people].’” And, although -- in fulfillment of Prophecy (see Deuteronomy 30:1-6; Isaiah 54:7; and Ezekiel 36:18-35 & 39:28-29) -- the Jewish people have now returned to, and have resurrected a Jewish nation-state in, the biblical Land of Israel, the Gentile nations do, indeed, claim that we are thieves who have seized the Land illegally from its “rightful owners”, namely, the “Palestinian” Arabs.
For most nations, the claim of an illegal Jewish occupation of “Palestinian” Arab territories is limited to the post-1967 districts of Judea, Samaria, the eastern portion of Jerusalem (which three areas the World denominates as the “West Bank”) and (despite Israel’s expulsion of all Jewish residents thereof and withdrawal of all of its armed forces therefrom in August 2005) Gaza. However, for those Arab and (non-Arab) Muslim nations and for those terrorist organizations which reject the very existence of the State of Israel, the claim of an illegal Jewish occupation of “Palestine” extends, as well, to the entire territory of pre-1967 Israel (i.e., all of Israel proper, being the territory that became the State of Israel within its former 1949 armistice demarcation lines). As a consequence thereof, all of the nations and their media -- at the very least -- consistently describe the districts of Judea, Samaria, the eastern portion of Jerusalem and Gaza as the “Occupied Palestinian Territories”, and the Jewish communities in Judea, Samaria and the eastern portion of Jerusalem as illegal under international law, thereby manufacturing in favor of the “Palestinian” Arabs an international “legal justification” for their “resistance activities” -- mostly in the form of terror attacks -- against Israel and the Jewish people.
However, since the Jewish people's possessory right to the Land of Israel derives solely from God's oft-iterated Promise of the Land to our people through the Patriarchs -- Abraham (see Genesis 12:7; 13:14-17; 15:7; 15:18-21; and 17:7-8), Isaac (see Genesis 17:18-21; 21:9-13; and 26:1-5), and Jacob (see Genesis 28:13-15; and 35:9-13) -- all as ultimately reiterated to Moses and the Jewish people in the form of a national Commandment (“‘See, I have given the Land before you; come and possess the Land that HaShem swore to your forefathers, to Abraham, to Isaac, and to Jacob, to give to them and to their offspring after them.’” Deuteronomy 1:8), the concept of international law, as created by the amoral Gentile nations, is a nullity in God's Eyes. Nevertheless, in this time before the Messiah has been revealed, when many “civilized” Jews revere such concepts as international law as much as -- or even more than -- they venerate the Word of God, it is important for Jewry to know that, even according to the nations' laws, implementation of the historical Jewish rights of settlement (i.e., habitation) and self-determination (i.e., statehood) in the biblical Land of Israel is not only permissible, but even one of the objects thereof.
More broadly, the Jewish people’s Claim to the entire Land of Israel rests upon five pillars, in descending order of importance:
1. God’s recurring Promise of the Land to the Jewish people as memorialized in the Hebrew Bible (such Promise being enunciated and reiterated from circa 2000 BCE to circa 433 BCE)
2. The historical habitation of the Jewish people in the Land (circa 1400 BCE to the present time)
3. The necessity of continued possession of the Land by the Jewish people for its national self-preservation as a distinct people (1948 to the present time)
4. The Jewish people’s reacquisition and retention of the Land via its serial exercise of national self-defense (in 1948, 1956, 1967 & 1973)
5. International Law as expressed via the creation of the League of Nations’ Mandate for Palestine (in 1920) and via the enactment of the Mandate’s governing instrument (in 1922)
As will be discussed elsewhere herein, that which the World (including unfortunately many uninformed Jews) incessantly declares to be the Jewish State’s Occupation of “Palestinian” territory is, in reality, the Jewish people’s Reacquisition of historically-Jewish territory, as for more than 3,000 years the Jewish people have been the only ethnic nation which both populated and established sovereignty in the Land of Israel. In fact, Jewish sovereignty was established four times in the Land: the 1st time being via the creation of the united kingdom of Israel by King Saul circa 1040 BCE (with Jerusalem being made the capital city during the reign of Saul’s successor, King David); the 2nd time being via the creation of the successor kingdom of Judea by King Simon Maccabeus, founder of the Hasmonean Dynasty, in 140 BCE (with Jerusalem again being made the capital city); the 3rd time being via the resurrection of the independent kingdom of Judea by King Antigonus II Mattathias, the final king of the Hasmonean Dynasty, in 40 BCE (with Jerusalem again being made the capital city); and the 4th time being via the creation of the State of Israel by the Zionist Movement in 1948 (with that portion of Jerusalem -- i.e., the western portion -- then in Israel’s possession again being made the capital city).
Moreover, it can be argued that Jewish sovereignty was actually established six times in the Land if one includes two other periods of rebellion and self-rule (which did not, however, result in the complete ejection of foreign occupation forces from the Land), to wit: the “Great Revolt” (also known as the “First Jewish-Roman War”) commencing in 66 under the rule of a coalition government (with Jerusalem again being made the capital city) and the “bar Kokhba Revolt” (also known as the “Third Jewish-Roman War”) commencing in 132 under the rule of Simon ben Kosiba who adopted the honorific name Simon bar Kokhba (with Jerusalem again being made the capital city).
Consequently, the World’s claim of an “Occupation of Palestine” by Israel constitutes a historical myth created to obfuscate the historical reality that all of the Land of Israel (including the Old City of Jerusalem, with its Temple Mount and Western Wall) collectively belongs to the Jewish people -- and only to the Jewish people.
The World makes the concomitant claim that Israel occupies, not only the Land, but also the stateless “Palestinian” people who reside therein. As an essential component of the War against Israel is predicated upon the use of inaccurate nomenclature, it is linguistically essential to note that even if territory is occupied as a result of war, the victor thereof does not thereby occupy that territory’s defeated population. Rather, the victor rules that defeated population. However, even if Israel’s present possession of the “West Bank” (and former possession of Gaza) constitutes a Reacquisition rather than an Occupation, and even if Israel rules rather than occupies the hostile population thereof, didn’t Israel’s reacquisition of the “West Bank” render the “Palestinian” Arab population thereof stateless? Furthermore, doesn’t Israel thereby rule approximately 4,000,000 stateless “Palestinian” Arabs? Moreover, doesn’t Israel’s rule over a “Palestinian” population that is denied Israeli citizenship and national voting rights render Israel an Apartheid State? Well, no, no and no.
Firstly, it is pointed out that Egypt and Jordan are the culprits that rendered the “Palestinian” Arabs stateless. This is because (a) Egypt never accorded citizenship to the “Palestinians” of Gaza from 1948 (when Egypt illegally occupied Gaza) until 1967 (when Israel reacquired Gaza on behalf of the Jewish people) and (b) although the “Palestinians” of the “West Bank” were accorded citizenship by Transjordan in 1948 (when Transjordan illegally occupied the “West Bank”), Jordan fka Transjordan revoked their citizenship in 1988 (when Jordan renounced its unlawful claim to the “West Bank”).
Secondly, let us discuss the number of stateless “Palestinians” who are presently subject to Israeli rule. If one subtracts from the foregoing 4,000,000 figure the populations of (a) Gaza, which is presently an independent political entity ruled by the terrorist group Hamas, and (b) Areas A & B of the “West Bank”, which are presently ruled by the terrorist-affiliated, terrorism-saturated Palestinian Authority, then what remains subject to Israeli rule is the Arab population of Area C of the “West Bank”, which presently hosts approximately 80,000 hostile, irredentist and revanchist “Palestinians”. Although the United Nations, through the report of its “Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs -- Occupied Palestinian Territory”, entitled “In the Spotlight: Area C Vulnerability Profile”, issued on March 5, 2014, claimed that the “Palestinian” population of Area C was almost 300,000 in 2013, that report erroneously and intentionally included Arabs residing in Area A, Area B and Jerusalem as residents of Area C (see page 2 of the report), thereby greatly inflating the Arab population of Area C of the “West Bank” in order dissuade the State of Israel from applying its de jure sovereignty thereto. Consequently, as Israel presently rules only 80,000 Arabs in the Reacquired Jewish Territories of Judea and Samaria, simple arithmetic reveals that 98.25% of the Arabs residing therein (and 100% of the Arabs residing in Gaza) are ruled by their fellow Arabs, and that only 1.75% of the Arabs of Judea and Samaria are ruled by Israel. But if one nonetheless asserts that Israel is occupying “Palestinian” territory (rather than possessing reacquired Jewish territory) per international law, doesn’t Israel occupy not only Area C of the “West Bank” but rather the entirety of the “West Bank” and Gaza per international law? Well, no. As will be discussed elsewhere, the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949, even if it did apply to Israel’s reacquisition of Judea, Samaria, Gaza and the eastern portion of Jerusalem in 1967, nonetheless states that an Occupation exists only with respect to areas over which the Occupier “exercises the functions of government” (Convention, Part I, Article 6).
Thirdly, assuming that Israel were to apply its de jure sovereignty to Area C of Judea and Samaria (by replacing its military rule therein with its civilian rule therein), let us discuss whether the denial of Israeli citizenship and national voting rights to the 80,000 hostile, irredentist and revanchist “Palestinians” thereof would render Israel an Apartheid State. Assuming the extension of Israeli sovereignty to Area C, and assuming the denial of citizenship and national voting rights to the Arabs thereof, the legal status of the resident Arab population of Area C would be identical to the present legal status of the resident population of American Samoa (formally known as the “Territory of American Samoa”, being the eastern portion of the Samoan archipelago, located in the South Pacific Ocean, which archipelago Germany and the United States divided between themselves in 1899). Even though American Samoa (hosting a resident population of approximately 56,000 Samoan and other Pacific Islanders as of 2019) is part of the United States (and is governed at the national level by the Office of Insular Affairs of the United States Department of the Interior), its residents, although having been born in the United States, do not thereby acquire U.S. citizenship, consequently rendering them non-citizen legal U.S. residents, who must apply for U.S. citizenship as if they were born in a foreign country. In addition to the non-citizen legal residents of American Samoa, there are 22 million non-citizen illegal residents who have resided throughout the continental United States for many decades. Both of these categories of U.S. residents are denied the right to vote in national parliamentary elections due to their lack of U.S. citizenship. Furthermore, millions of U.S. citizens are also denied the right to vote in national parliamentary elections due to their particular places of residency within the United States, such as (a) those U.S. citizens residing in the U.S. capital city of Washington, D.C. (also known as the District of Columbia), (b) those U.S. citizens residing in the U.S. territory of Puerto Rico (formally known as the “Commonwealth of Puerto Rico”, located in the Caribbean Sea, which was seized by the United States from Spain during the Spanish-American War of 1898) and (c) those U.S. citizens residing in the U.S. Virgin Islands (formally known as the “Virgin Islands of the United States”, located in the Caribbean Sea, which was purchased by the United States from Denmark in 1917). Moreover, it is the same with Britain. Britain has 14 colonies, official known as the “British Overseas Territories”, whose residents are denied national citizenship (e.g., the residents of the “Sovereign Base Areas of Akrotiri and Dhekelia”, both of which are located on the southern coast of Cyprus) or (despite possessing national citizenship) are denied national parliamentary voting rights (e.g., the residents Gilbraltar, located on the southern coast of Spain). Yet, for good reason, neither the United States nor Britain has never been denominated an Apartheid State by the international community for hosting many millions of residents who are denied national citizenship and/or national voting rights. This is because the denial of citizenship and/or national voting rights to portions of a country’s population has never been a criterion of the discriminatory system known as “Apartheid” (Afrikaans-language meaning: “Separateness”). Instead, the hallmark of Apartheid, as practiced in the country which invented this system (i.e., South Africa), is government-enforced separation between subsets of a country’s population, based upon race and/or ethnicity, in all aspects of life. Consequently, whatever one thinks of the denial of U.S. citizenship and/or national voting rights to portions of its population, such denial does not render the United States an Apartheid State. Nor would it render Israel an Apartheid State. This is so, because neither country requires separation between any of its racial and/or ethnic populations. However, it is noteworthy that these longtime denials of U.S. citizenship and/or national voting rights target U.S. residents who have never made war against the United States. In light of the foregoing, the denial of Israeli citizenship and/or national voting rights to the hostile, irredentist and revanchist Arab population of (some or all of) the “West Bank” in the event of its formal incorporation into the State of Israel, although likely resulting in false charges of Apartheid against Israel, would be well justified.
Beginning in late 1917 and ending in late 1918 -- towards the end of World War I -- Britain (formally known as the United Kingdom) captured from the Ottoman Empire (which was based in modern-day Turkey) all of the non-sovereign lands comprising the region of Palestine. At the time of the British conquest, the region of Palestine did not exist as a distinct territorial unit within the Ottoman Empire. Rather, its lands were divided among several of the Ottoman provinces. The battlefield successes of Britain’s 38th, 39th and 40th Battalions of Royal Fusiliers, composed of Jewish volunteers from many countries (among them Britain, the United States, Canada and Argentina) and collectively known as the “Jewish Legion”, as well as the surveillance activities of the resident Jewish espionage organization known as NILI, were integral to Britain’s victory over the Ottoman Empire in that portion of the region of Palestine which was situated west of the Jordan River (i.e., between the Mediterranean Sea and the Jordan River). Although Arab forces also aided Britain’s conquest of the region of Palestine (under the guidance of British army officer Thomas Lawrence, better known as “Lawrence of Arabia”), their assistance was limited to that portion thereof which was situated east of the Jordan River in what is modern-day Jordan. At the time of the British conquest, Jews constituted more than 25% of the population of that portion of the region of Palestine which was situated west of the Jordan River (i.e., the territory which became the State of Israel within its former 1949 armistice demarcation lines, the eastern portion of Jerusalem, Judea, Samaria, and Gaza). However, Jews then constituted more than 50% of the population of Jerusalem.
From April 19, 1920 to April 26, 1920, an international conference was held at San Remo, Italy to implement the terms of the Treaty of Versailles of June 28, 1919 which was the first of five peace treaties that formally terminated the hostilities then known as the “Great War” (subsequently denominated as “World War I”), including those provisions of the Treaty (namely, Articles 1 - 26 thereof, denominated as the Covenant of the League of Nations) which declared the creation of a League of Nations (predecessor to the United Nations) and which authorized the establishment of a system of international Mandates for the governance of the World's remaining non-sovereign territories and their respective populations.
The legal basis for the mandatory system was the international community’s declaration that providing for the “well-being and development” of the World’s non-sovereign populations constituted “a sacred trust of civilisation” (Covenant of League of Nations, Article 22, Paragraph 1), and that the League of Nations’ “best method” of effecting this global task was to create a “tutelage” relationship between certain “advanced nations” and “such peoples” whereby the former would serve “as Mandatories on behalf of the League” (Covenant of League of Nations, Article 22, Paragraph 2). In legal terminology, each mandate constituted a separate Trust, of which the League of Nations was the Settlor, the appointed Mandatory was the Trustee, the resident population (or chosen subset thereof) was the Beneficiary, and the administered territory was the Corpus. Under Trust law, the Trustee is obligated to administer the Trust Corpus on behalf of and for the sole benefit of the Trust Beneficiary in compliance with the Trust’s governing instrument; and when the Trust terminates, the Trust Beneficiary thereby becomes the legal owner of the Trust Corpus. Applied to the mandatory system, this means that, when a mandate terminated, the resident population (or chosen subset thereof) thereby became sovereign over the administered territory thereof.
The self-evident purpose of the mandatory system was to return those non-sovereign territories formerly occupied by the Ottoman Empire and its wartime allies to their respective indigenous populations, including the Jewish people.
Article 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations (of the Treaty of Versailles) states, in full, as follows:
To those colonies and territories which as a consequence of the late war have ceased to be under the sovereignty of the States which formerly governed them and which are inhabited by peoples not yet able to stand by themselves under the strenuous conditions of the modern World, there should be applied the principle that the well-being and development of such peoples form a sacred trust of civilisation and that securities for the performance of this trust should be embodied in this Covenant.
The best method of giving practical effect to this principle is that the tutelage of such peoples should be entrusted to advanced nations who by reason of their resources, their experience or their geographical position can best undertake this responsibility, and who are willing to accept it, and that this tutelage should be exercised by them as Mandatories on behalf of the League.
The character of the mandate must differ according to the stage of the development of the people, the geographical situation of the territory, its economic conditions, and other similar circumstances.
Certain communities formerly belonging to the Turkish Empire have reached a stage of development where their existence as independent nations can be provisionally recognised subject to the rendering of administrative advice and assistance by a Mandatory until such time as they are able to stand alone. The wishes of these communities must be a principal consideration in the selection of the Mandatory.
Other peoples, especially those of Central Africa, are at such a stage that the Mandatory must be responsible for the administration of the territory under conditions which will guarantee freedom of conscience and religion, subject only to the maintenance of public order and morals, the prohibition of abuses such as the slave trade, the arms traffic, and the liquor traffic, and the prevention of the establishment of fortifications or military and naval bases and of military training of the natives for other than police purposes and the defence of territory, and will also secure equal opportunities for the trade and commerce of other Members of the League.
There are territories, such as South-West Africa and certain of the South Pacific Islands, which, owing to the sparseness of their population, or their small size, or their remoteness from the centres of civilisation, or their geographical contiguity to the territory of the Mandatory, and other circumstances, can be best administered under the laws of the Mandatory as integral portions of its territory, subject to the safeguards above mentioned in the interests of the indigenous population.
In every case of mandate, the Mandatory shall render to the Council an annual report in reference to the territory committed to its charge.
The degree of authority, control, or administration to be exercised by the Mandatory shall, if not previously agreed upon by the Members of the League, be explicitly defined in each case by the Council.
A permanent Commission shall be constituted to receive and examine the annual reports of the Mandatories and to advise the Council on all matters relating to the observance of the mandates.
At the San Remo conference, pursuant to the authority of Article 22, Paragraph 4 of its Covenant, the League of Nations -- by a unanimous vote -- assigned to France, as Mandatory Trustee, the non-sovereign territory of Syria, and to Britain, as Mandatory Trustee, the non-sovereign territory of Mesopotamia and the non-sovereign territory of Palestine. These three mandates were denominated as Class A mandates, meaning that -- pursuant to Article 22, Paragraph 4 of the Covenant -- all of the former Turkish-occupied territories to be governed thereunder, including Mandatory Palestine, were deemed by the League of Nations to be ready for independence after respective periods of tutelage under their appointed Mandatories.
The internationally-authorized Trust for the non-sovereign region of Palestine, known as the Mandate for Palestine, was created by the League of Nations on April 24, 1920. However, the Trust’s internationally-authorized governing instrument, also known as the Mandate for Palestine, was not finalized and enacted by the League of Nations until July 24, 1922.
Although not a member of the League of Nations, the United States (at the direction of President Warren Harding) proclaimed its support for the creation of a Jewish national home in Mandatory Palestine via the passage of a joint resolution of Congress on June 30, 1922, subsequently signed into law by the President on September 21, 1922 (as Public Law no. 67-73, entitled “Joint Resolution: Favoring the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people”), which states, in full, as follows:
Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled,
That the United States of America favors the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which should prejudice the civil and religious rights of Christian and all other non-Jewish communities in Palestine, and that the holy places and religious buildings and sites in Palestine shall be adequately protected.
In the context of Arab opposition to the Mandate for Palestine, in a speech to the U.S. House of Representatives on June 30, 1922, New York congressman Walter Chandler, one of the Joint Resolution’s co-sponsors, presciently sent the following message to the Arabs of Mandatory Palestine (as published in the Congressional Record, Volume 62, Part 10, page 9810):
I want to make at this time, Mr. Speaker and gentlemen of the House, my attitude and views upon the Arab question in Palestine very clear and emphatic. I am in favor of carrying out one of the three following policies, to be preferred in the order in which they are named:
(1) That the Arabs shall be permitted to remain in Palestine under Jewish government and domination, and with their civil and religious rights guaranteed to them through the British mandate and under terms of the Balfour declaration.
(2) That if they will not consent to Jewish government and domination, they shall be required to sell their lands at a just valuation and retire into the Arab territory which has been assigned to them by the League of Nations in the general reconstruction of the countries of the east.
(3) That if they will not consent to Jewish government and domination, under conditions of right and justice, or to sell their lands at a just valuation and to retire into their own countries, they shall be driven from Palestine by force.
Prior to its conquest by Britain during World War I, the non-sovereign region of Palestine had been occupied, with brief interruptions, by the Ottoman Empire since 1517 and, before that, by an unbroken chain of colonialist empires stretching back in History to imperial Rome (and, before the Roman Occupation, to the Greek, Persian, Babylonian and Assyrian Occupations of all or parts of the Land of Israel). The Roman Empire, after having crushed the fourth and final revolt of the Jewish people against its hated Occupation in 135, changed the Land's name from Judea (the Latin-language word for which was Iudaea, meaning Land of the Jews) to Palestine (the Latin-language word for which was Palaestina, meaning Land of the Philistines -- an Aegean people who had migrated to the Land of Israel in Antiquity and had subsequently become a fierce enemy of the Jewish people, but who had disappeared from History due to their extirpation by the Babylonian Empire more than 700 years prior to the renaming of the Land), as part of an unabashed effort to humiliate the defeated Jewish people and to delegitimize any further Jewish national claim to the Land. Although, as further punishment for the uprising, the Romans also massacred and expelled much of the Land's Jewish population, the remainder thereof continued to reside throughout the Land (including the areas of Galilee, Negev, Arava, Judea, Samaria, Jerusalem, Gaza and Golan) under the Roman and all successive Occupations -- including that of the colonialist Islamic Arab Empire commencing in the 7th Century -- through the advent of the Mandate for Palestine. In fact, the Jewish people had already been settled in the Land of Israel for approximately 2,000 years (i.e., circa 1400 BCE to 638 CE) at the time of the Arab invasion of the Land.
In this context, it is noteworthy that the Land of Israel was home to the Jewish people for more than 2,000 years before the aforesaid Islamic Arab invasion of the Land. Alternatively stated, the Jewish people were residing in the Land of Israel for more than 2,000 years before the Arabs arrived en masse.
The Mandate for Palestine (i.e., the Trust) was created for the explicit purpose of reestablishing a Jewish National Home (and for the implicit purpose of creating a sovereign Jewish State) in the biblical Land of Israel (notwithstanding the fact that the borders of Mandatory Palestine and the borders of the biblical Land of Israel were, in some places, not identical). The Preamble of the Mandate for Palestine (i.e., the Trust’s governing instrument) states as its goal “... the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, it being understood that nothing should be done which might prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country ...” (Mandate for Palestine, Preamble, Paragraph 2); and the Preamble thereof further declares that “... recognition has thereby been given to the historical connexion of the Jewish people with Palestine and to the grounds for reconstituting their national home in that country.” (Mandate for Palestine, Preamble, Paragraph 3). The League of Nations thereby acknowledged that, although having been widely dispersed amongst the nations of the World during the past several millennia, the Jewish people (comprised of those whose families had managed to remain in the Land from biblical times, those whose families had more recently returned to the Land, and those whose families would in the future return to the Land) were nonetheless recognized by the international community as being (then and forever) the lawful indigenous inhabitants of Mandatory Palestine.
Conversely, the Arab and other Gentile peoples then resident in the Land were not truly indigenous to the Land, as they came to be there by virtue of their ancestors’ past conquests of the Land (e.g., the colonialist Arab invasion of 638), their ancestors’ immigration during the Ottoman Occupation (e.g., Arab, Chechen, Circassian and Serbian Muslim immigrants) or their ancestors’ immigration during the Mandatory period (e.g., the successive waves of Arab immigrants from nearby countries commencing in 1920).
In agreeing to its appointment as Mandatory Trustee of this Trust, Britain did not thereby become the legal sovereign of Mandatory Palestine. Rather, Britain undertook to administer Mandatory Palestine and to govern its resident population in compliance with the provisions of the Trust’s governing instrument and subject to the supervision and control of the Council of the League of Nations (see Covenant of League of Nations, Article 22, Paragraphs 7, 8 & 9; Mandate for Palestine, Preamble, Paragraphs 6 & 7; and Mandate for Palestine, Articles 1, 14, 24, 25, 27 & 28).
The Mandate for Palestine of July 24, 1922 states, in full, as follows:
MANDATE FOR PALESTINE
The Council of the League of Nations:
Whereas the Principal Allied Powers have agreed, for the purpose of giving effect to the provisions of Article 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations, to entrust to a Mandatory selected by the said Powers the administration of the territory of Palestine, which formerly belonged to the Turkish Empire, within such boundaries as may be fixed by them; and
Whereas the Principal Allied Powers have also agreed that the Mandatory should be responsible for putting into effect the declaration originally made on November 2nd, 1917, by the Government of His Britannic Majesty, and adopted by the said Powers, in favour of the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, it being clearly understood that nothing should be done which might prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country; and
Whereas recognition has thereby been given to the historical connexion of the Jewish people with Palestine and to the grounds for reconstituting their national home in that country; and
Whereas the Principal Allied Powers have selected His Britannic Majesty as the Mandatory for Palestine; and
Whereas the mandate in respect of Palestine has been formulated in the following terms and submitted to the Council of the League for approval; and
Whereas His Britannic Majesty has accepted the mandate in respect of Palestine and undertaken to exercise it on behalf of the League of Nations in conformity with the following provisions; and
Whereas by the aforementioned Article 22 (paragraph 8), it is provided that the degree of authority, control or administration to be exercised by the Mandatory, not having been previously agreed upon by the Members of the League, shall be explicitly defined by the Council of the League Of Nations;
Confirming the said Mandate, defines its terms as follows:
ARTICLE 1 The Mandatory shall have full powers of legislation and of administration, save as they may be limited by the terms of this Mandate.
ARTICLE 2 The Mandatory shall be responsible for placing the country under such political, administrative and economic conditions as will secure the establishment of the Jewish national home, as laid down in the Preamble, and the development of self-governing institutions, and also for safeguarding the civil and religious rights of all the inhabitants of Palestine, irrespective of race and religion.
ARTICLE 3 The Mandatory shall, so far as circumstances permit, encourage local autonomy.
ARTICLE 4 An appropriate Jewish agency shall be recognized as a public body for the purpose of advising and cooperating with the Administration of Palestine in such economic, social and other matters as may affect the establishment of the Jewish national home and the interests of the Jewish population in Palestine, and, subject always to the control of the Administration, to assist and take part in the development of the country.
The Zionist Organization, so long as its organization and constitution are, in the opinion of the Mandatory, appropriate, shall be recognized as such agency. It shall take steps in consultation with His Britannic Majesty's Government to secure the cooperation of all Jews who are willing to assist in the establishment of the Jewish national home.
ARTICLE 5 The Mandatory shall be responsible for seeing that no Palestine territory shall be ceded or leased to, or in any way placed under the control of, the Government of any foreign Power.
ARTICLE 6 The Administration of Palestine, while ensuring that the rights and position of other sections of the population are not prejudiced, shall facilitate Jewish immigration under suitable conditions and shall encourage, in cooperation with the Jewish agency referred to in Article 4, close settlement by Jews on the Land, including State lands and waste lands not required for public purposes.
ARTICLE 7 The Administration of Palestine shall be responsible for enacting a nationality law. There shall be included in this law provisions framed so as to facilitate the acquisition of Palestinian citizenship by Jews who take up their permanent residence in Palestine.
ARTICLE 8 The privileges and immunities of foreigners, including the benefits of consular jurisdiction and protection as formerly enjoyed by Capitulation or usage in the Ottoman Empire, shall not be applicable in Palestine.
Unless the Powers whose nationals enjoyed the afore-mentioned privileges and immunities on August 1st, 1914, shall have previously renounced the right to their re-establishment, or shall have agreed to their non-application for a specified period, these privileges and immunities shall, at the expiration of the mandate, be immediately reestablished in their entirety or with such modifications as may have been agreed upon between the Powers concerned.
ARTICLE 9 The Mandatory shall be responsible for seeing that the judicial system established in Palestine shall assure to foreigners, as well as to natives, a complete guarantee of their rights.
Respect for the personal status of the various peoples and communities and for their religious interests shall be fully guaranteed. In particular, the control and administration of Wakfs shall be exercised in accordance with religious law and the dispositions of the founders.
ARTICLE 10 Pending the making of special extradition agreements relating to Palestine, the extradition treaties in force between the Mandatory and other foreign Powers shall apply to Palestine.
ARTICLE 11 The Administration of Palestine shall take all necessary measures to safeguard the interests of the community in connexion with the development of the country, and, subject to any international obligations accepted by the Mandatory, shall have full power to provide for public ownership or control of any of the natural resources of the country or of the public works, services and utilities established or to be established therein. It shall introduce a land system appropriate to the needs of the country, having regard, among other things, to the desirability of promoting the close settlement and intensive cultivation of the land.
The Administration may arrange with the Jewish agency mentioned in Article 4 to construct or operate, upon fair and equitable terms, any public works, services and utilities, and to develop any of the natural resources of the country, in so far as these matters are not directly undertaken by the Administration. Any such arrangements shall provide that no profits distributed by such agency, directly or indirectly, shall exceed a reasonable rate of interest on the capital, and any further profits shall be utilised by it for the benefit of the country in a manner approved by the Administration.
ARTICLE 12 The Mandatory shall be entrusted with the control of the foreign relations of Palestine and the right to issue exequaturs to consuls appointed by foreign Powers. He shall also be entitled to afford diplomatic and consular protection to citizens of Palestine when outside its territorial limits.
ARTICLE 13 All responsibility in connexion with the Holy Places and religious buildings or sites in Palestine, including that of preserving existing rights and of securing free access to the Holy Places, religious buildings and sites and the free exercise of worship, while ensuring the requirements of public order and decorum, is assumed by the Mandatory, who shall be responsible solely to the League of Nations in all matters connected herewith, provided that nothing in this article shall prevent the Mandatory from entering into such arrangements as he may deem reasonable with the Administration for the purpose of carrying the provisions of this article into effect; and provided also that nothing in this mandate shall be construed as conferring upon the Mandatory authority to interfere with the fabric or the management of purely Moslem sacred shrines, the immunities of which are guaranteed.
ARTICLE 14 A special commission shall be appointed by the Mandatory to study, define and determine the rights and claims in connexion with the Holy Places and the rights and claims relating to the different religious communities in Palestine. The method of nomination, the composition and the functions of this Commission shall be submitted to the Council of the League for its approval, and the Commission shall not be appointed or enter upon its functions without the approval of the Council.
ARTICLE 15 The Mandatory shall see that complete freedom of conscience and the free exercise of all forms of worship, subject only to the maintenance of public order and morals, are ensured to all. No discrimination of any kind shall be made between the inhabitants of Palestine on the ground of race, religion or language. No person shall be excluded from Palestine on the sole ground of his religious belief.
The right of each community to maintain its own schools for the education of its own members in its own language, while conforming to such educational requirements of a general nature as the Administration may impose, shall not be denied or impaired.
ARTICLE 16 The Mandatory shall be responsible for exercising such supervision over religious or eleemosynary bodies of all faiths in Palestine as may be required for the maintenance of public order and good government. Subject to such supervision, no measures shall be taken in Palestine to obstruct or interfere with the enterprise of such bodies or to discriminate against any representative or member of them on the ground of his religion or nationality.
ARTICLE 17 The Administration of Palestine may organise on a voluntary basis the forces necessary for the preservation of peace and order, and also for the defence of the country, subject, however, to the supervision of the Mandatory, but shall not use them for purposes other than those above specified save with the consent of the Mandatory. Except for such purposes, no military, naval or air forces shall be raised or maintained by the Administration of Palestine.
Nothing in this article shall preclude the Administration of Palestine from contributing to the cost of the maintenance of the forces of the Mandatory in Palestine.
The Mandatory shall be entitled at all times to use the roads, railways and ports of Palestine for the movement of armed forces and the carriage of fuel and supplies.
ARTICLE 18 The Mandatory shall see that there is no discrimination in Palestine against the nationals of any State Member of the League of Nations (including companies incorporated under its laws) as compared with those of the Mandatory or of any foreign State in matters concerning taxation, commerce or navigation, the exercise of industries or professions, or in the treatment of merchant vessels or civil aircraft. Similarly, there shall be no discrimination in Palestine against goods originating in or destined for any of the said States, and there shall be freedom of transit under equitable conditions across the mandated area.
Subject as aforesaid and to the other provisions of this mandate, the Administration of Palestine may, on the advice of the Mandatory, impose such taxes and customs duties as it may consider necessary, and take such steps as it may think best to promote the development of the natural resources of the country and to safeguard the interests of the population. It may also, on the advice of the Mandatory, conclude a special customs agreement with any State the territory of which in 1914 was wholly included in Asiatic Turkey or Arabia.
ARTICLE 19 The Mandatory shall adhere on behalf of the Administration of Palestine to any general international conventions already existing, or which may be concluded hereafter with the approval of the League of Nations, respecting the slave traffic, the traffic in arms and ammunition, or the traffic in drugs, or relating to commercial equality, freedom of transit and navigation, aerial navigation and postal, telegraphic and wireless communication or literary, artistic or industrial property.
ARTICLE 20 The Mandatory shall co-operate on behalf of the Administration of Palestine, so far as religious, social and other conditions may permit, in the execution of any common policy adopted by the League of Nations for preventing and combating disease, including diseases of plants and animals.
ARTICLE 21 The Mandatory shall secure the enactment within twelve months from this date, and shall ensure the execution of a Law of Antiquities based on the following rules. This law shall ensure equality of treatment in the matter of excavations and archaeological research to the nationals of all States Members of the League of Nations.
(1) “Antiquity” means any construction or any product of human activity earlier than the year 1700 A. D.
(2) The law for the protection of antiquities shall proceed by encouragement rather than by threat. Any person who, having discovered an antiquity without being furnished with the authorization referred to in paragraph 5, reports the same to an official of the competent Department, shall be rewarded according to the value of the discovery.
(3) No antiquity may be disposed of except to the competent Department, unless this Department renounces the acquisition of any such antiquity. No antiquity may leave the country without an export licence from the said Department.
(4) Any person who maliciously or negligently destroys or damages an antiquity shall be liable to a penalty to be fixed.
(5) No clearing of ground or digging with the object of finding antiquities shall be permitted, under penalty of fine, except to persons authorised by the competent Department.
(6) Equitable terms shall be fixed for expropriation, temporary or permanent, of lands which might be of historical or archaeological interest.
(7) Authorization to excavate shall only be granted to persons who show sufficient guarantees of archaeological experience. The Administration of Palestine shall not, in granting these authorizations, act in such a way as to exclude scholars of any nation without good grounds.
(8) The proceeds of excavations may be divided between the excavator and the competent Department in a proportion fixed by that Department. If division seems impossible for scientific reasons, the excavator shall receive a fair indemnity in lieu of a part of the find.
ARTICLE 22 English, Arabic and Hebrew shall be the official languages of Palestine. Any statement or inscription in Arabic on stamps or money in Palestine shall be repeated in Hebrew and any statement or inscription in Hebrew shall be repeated in Arabic.
ARTICLE 23 The Administration of Palestine shall recognise the holy days of the respective communities in Palestine as legal days of rest for the members of such communities.
ARTICLE 24 The Mandatory shall make to the Council of the League of Nations an annual report to the satisfaction of the Council as to the measures taken during the year to carry out the provisions of the mandate. Copies of all laws and regulations promulgated or issued during the year shall be communicated with the report.
ARTICLE 25 In the territories lying between the Jordan and the eastern boundary of Palestine as ultimately determined, the Mandatory shall be entitled, with the consent of the Council of the League of Nations, to postpone or withhold application of such provisions of this mandate as he may consider inapplicable to the existing local conditions, and to make such provision for the administration of the territories as he may consider suitable to those conditions, provided that no action shall be taken which is inconsistent with the provisions of Articles 15, 16 and 18.
ARTICLE 26 The Mandatory agrees that, if any dispute whatever should arise between the Mandatory and another member of the League of Nations relating to the interpretation or the application of the provisions of the mandate, such dispute, if it cannot be settled by negotiation, shall be submitted to the Permanent Court of International Justice provided for by Article 14 of the Covenant of the League of Nations.
ARTICLE 27 The consent of the Council of the League of Nations is required for any modification of the terms of this mandate.
ARTICLE 28 In the event of the termination of the mandate hereby conferred upon the Mandatory, the Council of the League of Nations shall make such arrangements as may be deemed necessary for safeguarding in perpetuity, under guarantee of the League, the rights secured by Articles 13 and 14, and shall use its influence for securing, under the guarantee of the League, that the Government of Palestine will fully honour the financial obligations legitimately incurred by the Administration of Palestine during the period of the mandate, including the rights of public servants to pensions or gratuities.
The present instrument shall be deposited in original in the archives of the League of Nations and certified copies shall be forwarded by the Secretary-General of the League of Nations to all members of the League.
Done at London the twenty-fourth day of July, one thousand nine hundred and twenty-two.
Except as set forth in Article 25 of the Mandate for Palestine (further discussed elswhere), although the Arabs residing in Mandatory Palestine were to retain their individual rights therein, specifically their civil and religious rights (see Mandate for Palestine, Preamble, Paragraph 2; and Articles 2, 9, 13, 15, 16 & 23), the Jews of Mandatory Palestine -- whether their residency predated or postdated the creation of the Mandate -- were to be accorded exclusive national rights therein as a measure of restorative justice for the Jewish people (see Mandate for Palestine, Preamble, Paragraphs 2 & 3; and Articles 2, 3, 4, 6, 7 & 11). Although Article 3 does not state which of the several resident populations was to enjoy local autonomy during the existence of the Mandate, that provision’s placement between Articles 2 & 4, taken together with the explicit raison d’être of the Mandate, leads to the conclusion that the resident Jewish population was the intended beneficiary thereof. This embedded distinction between national rights accorded to the (present and future) resident Jewish population of Mandatory Palestine and individual rights accorded to the resident Gentile populations of Mandatory Palestine is epitomized by Paragraph 2 of the Mandate’s Preamble, which specified that “the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people” should not come at the expense of the “civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine”. This preambulatory provision is particularly crucial because it links the creation of the Jewish National Home in Mandatory Palestine to the protection of the individual rights of Gentiles therein -- but not to the protection of the individual rights of Jews therein. This linkage makes sense only if the Mandate’s purpose was to create an independent State ruled by Jews; for, only in that case would it be necessary to provide for the protection of the individual rights of non-Jews therein and unnecessary to provide for the protection of the individual rights of Jews therein. If the Mandate had intended to also grant national rights to the Arab or other Gentile populations of Mandatory Palestine, then this preambulatory provision would have been rendered superfluous.
The Mandate granted to the Jewish people two distinct legal rights inherent in the reestablishment of the Jewish National Home, namely, the collective right of settlement (i.e., habitation) and the collective right of self-determination (i.e., statehood). In order to effectuate both of these rights, Article 6 of the Mandate required the Mandatory Administration to encourage immigration and facilitate settlement by Jews (but not Arabs or other Gentiles). Concomitant with the foregoing, Article 7 of the Mandate required the Mandatory Administration to provide for the bestowal of Palestinian citizenship upon immigrating Jews (but not Arabs or other Gentiles). Moreover, Article 4 of the Mandate authorized the creation of a local Jewish government (in the form of the preexisting Zionist Organization co-founded by Theodore Herzl in the 19th Century, which is presently known as the World Zionist Organization) to assist the Mandatory Administration in the performance of its Mandatory obligations to the Jewish people. In furtherance of the League of Nation’s goal to prepare Mandatory Palestine for eventual independence as a Jewish State, Article 11 of the Mandate authorized the Mandatory Administration to delegate to the local Jewish government the performance of important national governmental functions (namely, the construction and operation of public works, services and utilities, and the development of the Land’s natural resources). Conversely, there is no provision in the Mandate for the creation of a local Arab (or other Gentile) government.
In emphasis of the Mandate’s grant of exclusive national rights to the Jewish people, the appellation “Arab” does not appear anywhere in the Mandate. Likewise, the appellation “Palestinian” does not appear in the Mandate, except in its reference to “the acquisition of Palestinian citizenship by Jews” (Mandate for Palestine, Article 7). In fact, nowhere in the Mandate is there any reference, by name, to any ethnic group other than the Jewish people. Instead, the Mandate subsumes the Arab and other Gentile inhabitants of Mandatory Palestine within the following generic categories: “existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine” (Mandate for Palestine, Preamble, Paragraph 2), “inhabitants of Palestine” (Mandate for Palestine, Articles 2 & 15), “other sections of the population” (Mandate for Palestine, Article 6), “the various peoples and communities” (Mandate for Palestine, Article 9), “the different religious communities in Palestine” (Mandate for Palestine, Article 14); “each community” (Mandate for Palestine, Article 15); and “the respective communities in Palestine” (Mandate for Palestine, Article 23).
Per the second paragraph of the Preamble of the Mandate for Palestine, the League of Nations, in formally issuing the Mandate, chose to explicitly incorporate therein the principles set forth in the letter of November 2, 1917 from British Foreign Secretary Arthur James Balfour to Zionist leader Lionel Walter Rothschild, commonly known as the “Balfour Declaration”, thereby elevating these principles from an important statement of British foreign policy (but lacking in any international authority) concerning the final disposition of the non-sovereign territory of Palestine to a foundation of international law with respect thereto. That letter states, in full, as follows:
November 2nd, 1917
Dear Lord Rothschild,
I have much pleasure in conveying to you, on behalf of His Majesty's Government, the following declaration of sympathy with Jewish Zionist aspirations which has been submitted to, and approved by, the Cabinet.
“His Majesty's Government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, and will use their best endeavours to facilitate the achievement of this object, it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country.”
I should be grateful if you would bring this declaration to the knowledge of the Zionist Federation.
Arthur James Balfour
David Lloyd George, Prime Minister of Britain in 1917, subsequently confirmed that, by issuing the Balfour Declaration, Britain had intended to provide the Jewish people with the historic opportunity to create an independent Jewish State in the Land of Israel:
“It was contemplated that when the time arrived for according representative institutions to Palestine, if the Jews had meanwhile responded to the opportunity afforded them by the idea of a National Home and had become a definite majority of the inhabitants, then Palestine would thus become a Jewish Commonwealth.” (War Memoirs Of David Lloyd George (1933), p. 736-737)
Although, from 1915 onwards, diplomatic representatives of Britain had also made various written declarations to foreign Arab leaders (such as the 1915 - 1916 letters from Henry McMahon, British High Commissioner of Egypt, to Hussein ibn Ali, Sherif of Mecca and ruler of the Hejaz region of Arabia) which, to a greater or lesser degree, contradicted the principles set forth in the 1917 Balfour Declaration, thereby negating the concept of eventual Jewish sovereignty over the Land of Israel, and although, in June 1922, the British government even issued an official White Paper (known as the “Command Paper of 1922” and alternatively as the “Churchill White Paper”) explicitly stating that the reestablishment of the Jewish National Home in Mandatory Palestine was never intended to result in Jewish sovereignty over any portion of the Land, the subsequent enactment by the League of Nations of the governing instrument for its Mandate for Palestine necessarily superseded all such declarations. This is so, because -- unlike Britain, which lacked any international authority (whether by means of anti-Zionist or philo-Zionist pronouncements) to legally affect the post-World War I status or final disposition of the non-sovereign territory of Palestine -- the League of Nations, acting as the instrument of the international community, did possess such authority. And, pursuant to Article 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations (of the Treaty of Versailles), the League of Nations was prerogatived to exercise such international authority by establishing a Mandate (in the form of a Trust and its governing instrument) for the temporary governance of the non-sovereign territory of Palestine until its independence as a sovereign Jewish State.
Nevertheless, some have argued that, although the League of Nations was indeed prerogatived by the Treaty of Versailles of June 28, 1919 to create a Mandate for the non-sovereign territory of Palestine, it had been granted no authority by the international community to enact a governing instrument for that Mandate which granted exclusive national rights over that mandated territory to the Jewish people (rather than to all of the inhabitants thereof). This argument is refuted by the Treaty of Sevres of August 10, 1920 (formally known as “The Treaty Of Peace Between The Allied And Associated Powers And Turkey”), which treaty was signed subsequent to the creation of the Mandate for Palestine (on April 24, 1920) but prior to the enactment of the Mandate’s governing instrument (on July 24, 1922). Like the Treaty of Versailles, which incorporated therein the Covenant of the League of Nations as its first 26 articles, the Treaty of Sevres also incorporated therein the Covenant of the League of Nations as its first 26 articles. Section VII of the Treaty of Sevres (entitled “Syria, Mesopotamia, Palestine” and comprising Articles 94 - 97 thereof) endorsed all three Middle East mandates earlier created by the League of Nations at the San Remo conference (in April 1920). Article 95 of the Treaty of Sevres -- which sets forth the raison d’être of the Mandate for Palestine -- states, in full, as follows:
The High Contracting Parties agree to entrust, by application of the provisions of Article 22, the administration of Palestine, within such boundaries as may be determined by the Principal Allied Powers, to a Mandatory to be selected by the said Powers. The Mandatory will be responsible for putting into effect the declaration originally made on November 2, 1917, by the British Government, and adopted by the other Allied Powers, in favour of the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country.
The Mandatory undertakes to appoint as soon as possible a special Commission to study and regulate all questions and claims relating to the different religious communities. In the composition of this Commission the religious interests concerned will be taken into account. The Chairman of the Commission will be appointed by the Council of the League of Nations.
Moreover, Article 129 of Section XII of the Treaty (entitled “Nationality”) states, in full, as follows:
Jews of other than Turkish nationality who are habitually resident, on the coming into force of the present Treaty, within the boundaries of Palestine, as determined in accordance with Article 95 will ipso facto become citizens of Palestine to the exclusion of any other nationality.
The Treaty of Sevres, countersigned by Turkey in the midst of the Greco-Turkish War of 1919 - 1922, was never implemented due to Turkey’s later refusal to accept the initial Greek territorial gains that were enshrined in the Treaty. However, Article 95 of the Treaty of Sevres nonetheless constitutes an explicit instruction by the international community to the League of Nations via application of Article 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations (of the Treaty of Sevres) that the only authorized purpose for the League’s earlier creation of a mandate for the non-sovereign territory of Palestine was to effect the “establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people” (Treaty of Sevres, Article 95, Paragraph 1). The subsequent enactment by the League of Nations of a governing instrument for the Mandate that bestowed upon the Jewish people exclusive national rights over the Land is fully consistent with the express language of Article 95 of the Treaty of Sevres to that effect. Similarly, the failure of the Mandate’s governing instrument to accord the resident Arabs any national rights over the Land is fully consistent with the express language of Article 95 of the Treaty of Sevres that the “existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine” would possess only “civil and religious rights” therein (Treaty of Sevres, Article 95, Paragraph 1). The authoritative nature of Article 95 is further confirmed by the fact that its first paragraph (which explicitly incorporated the principles set forth in the Balfour Declaration) essentially became preambulatory Paragraphs 1 & 2 of the Mandate for Palestine, while its second paragraph essentially became Article 14 of the Mandate for Palestine.
Consequently, Britain’s Balfour Declaration became a part of international law, not only due to its incorporation into the 1922 League of Nations’ Mandate for Palestine, but also due to its incorporation into the 1920 Treaty of Sevres.
Finally, it is noteworthy that more than one year prior to the San Remo conference, United States President Woodrow Wilson, who fathered the League of Nations, bluntly stated that the purpose of the prospective Mandate for Palestine would be the creation of an independent Jewish State, declaring on March 3, 1919 as follows:
“I am moreover persuaded that the allied nations, with the fullest concurrence of our own Government and people, are agreed that in Palestine shall be laid the foundations of a Jewish Commonwealth.”
The Land subject to the Mandate for Palestine, consisting of 120,450 square kilometers, included territory lying west of the Jordan River, comprising 26,990 square kilometers (22% of the Land) and commonly known as cis-Jordania and also as the western portion of Mandatory Palestine (consisting of the districts of Judea, Samaria, the eastern portion of Jerusalem and Gaza, comprising 6,220 square kilometers (5% of the Land), and territory which later became modern Israel within its former 1949 armistice demarcation lines, comprising 20,770 square kilometers (17% of the Land)); as well as territory lying east of the Jordan River, comprising 93,460 square kilometers (78% of the Land) and commonly known as trans-Jordania and also as the eastern portion of Mandatory Palestine (consisting of the Golan Heights, comprising 1,160 square kilometers (1% of the Land), and territory which later became Transjordan, precursor to modern Jordan, comprising 92,300 square kilometers (77% of the Land)). This data is restated in the following table:
Cis-Jordania portion of Mandatory Palestine
Land Area by Square Kilometer
Land Area by Square Mile
Percentage of Mandatory Palestine
Judea & Samaria & eastern portion of Jerusalem & Gaza
6,220 sq. km.
2,402 sq. miles
Israel within its former 1949 armistice demarcation lines
20,770 sq. km.
8,019 sq. miles
Total for cis-Jordania
(western portion of Mandatory Palestine)
26,990 sq. km.
10,421 sq. miles
Trans-Jordania portion of Mandatory Palestine
Land Area by Square Kilometer
Land Area by Square Mile
Percentage of Mandatory Palestine
1,160 sq. km.
448 sq. miles
Jordan (formerly Transjordan)
92,300 sq. km.
35,637 sq. miles
Total for trans-Jordania
(eastern portion of Mandatory Palestine)
93,460 sq. km.
36,085 sq. miles
120,450 sq. km.
46,506 sq. miles
On September 16, 1922, the Council of the League of Nations approved the proposal of Britain, as the Mandatory of Mandatory Palestine, to remove from the Jewish National Home virtually all of the lands of the trans-Jordania portion of Mandatory Palestine, namely, the lands situated between the Jordan River and the Iraqi-Arabian frontiers. Britain, as Mandatory, thereupon (1) barred all Jewish immigration thereto and all Jewish land purchases therein and (2) established therein the semi-autonomous Emirate of Transjordan, as a possession under British tutelage for Abdullah ibn Hussein and his Hashemite and allied Bedouin clans after the Hashemite dynasty began losing the civil war launched against it by Abd el-Aziz ibn Saud and his Wahhabist clans for control over Arabia.
Subsequently, in 1946, Britain, as Mandatory, granted independence to the Emirate of Transjordan, which thereupon renamed itself the Hashemite Kingdom of Transjordan (now formally known as the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan).
This chain of events raises 3 interrelated questions:
1. Did the Mandatory have the authority to remove these eastern territories from the internationally-authorized Jewish National Home?
2. Did the Mandatory have the authority to simultaneously
create a semi-autonomous Arab entity in these eastern territories?
3. Did the Mandatory have the authority to thereafter establish an independent Arab State in these eastern territories?
With respect to the first question, the Mandatory’s removal of these eastern territories from the Jewish National Home was explicitly authorized by Article 25 of the Mandate. However, the Mandatory’s prohibition against any Jewish settlement activity (i.e., immigration and land purchases) in those eastern territories constituted a violation of Article 15 of the Mandate.
Article 25 thereof is reiterated, in full, as follows:
In the territories lying between the Jordan and the eastern boundary of Palestine as ultimately determined, the Mandatory shall be entitled, with the consent of the Council of the League of Nations, to postpone or withhold application of such provisions of this Mandate as he may consider inapplicable to the existing local conditions, and to make such provision for the administration of the territories as he may consider suitable to those conditions, provided that no action shall be taken which is inconsistent with the provisions of Articles 15, 16 and 18.
Article 15 thereof, first paragraph, is reiterated, in full, as follows:
The Mandatory shall see that complete freedom of conscience and the free exercise of all forms of worship, subject only to the maintenance of public order and morals, are ensured to all. No discrimination of any kind shall be made between the inhabitants of Palestine on the ground of race, religion or language. No person shall be excluded from Palestine on the sole ground of his religious belief.
With respect to the second and third questions, nowhere in the Mandate -- not even in Article 25 thereof -- is there any authorization for the creation of an “Arab National Home” or an “Arab State” (or any equivalent formulation) in Mandatory Palestine. Yet, despite such lack of authorization, the Mandatory initially created a semi-autonomous Arab entity (i.e., the Emirate of Transjordan) and subsequently established an independent Arab State (i.e., the Hashemite Kingdom of Transjordan) in eastern Mandatory Palestine. This exercise of Mandatory authority was lawful pursuant to Article 22, Paragraph 4 of the Covenant of the League of Nations (embedded in both the Treaty of Versailles and the Treaty of Sevres), which provision declared that all of the territories placed under Mandatory governance pursuant thereto would eventually become independent States, meaning that the League of Nations intended that 100% of Mandatory Palestine (whether or not part of the Jewish National Home) would eventually attain independence. Consequently, despite the lack of any authorization in the Mandate for the creation of an “Arab National Home” or an “Arab State”, the initial creation of the Emirate of Transjordan and its subsequent independence as the Hashemite Kingdom of Transjordan were implicitly authorized by Article 25 of the Mandate.
After Britain’s creation of the Emirate of Transjordan, the remaining Land over which the League of Nations had granted the Jewish people exclusive national rights consisted of 100% of cis-Jordania (i.e., western Mandatory Palestine, comprising all of the territory between the Mediterranean Sea and the Jordan River) plus the Golan Heights portion of trans-Jordania. In this context, it is crucial to point out that no subsequent modification to the Mandate for Palestine was ever approved by the Council of the League of Nations during its existence, which approval was required by Article 27 of the Mandate.
Yet, despite all of the foregoing, many opponents of Jewish sovereignty in any portion of former Mandatory Palestine claim that, even if the League of Nations was authorized by the international community to reestablish a Jewish National Home in western Mandatory Palestine, the League itself never intended that the Mandate for Palestine (i.e., the Trust) become a vehicle by which western Mandatory Palestine would be converted, upon the termination of the Mandate, from an internationally-supervised Jewish National Home into an independent Jewish State, the proof being that nowhere in the Mandate (i.e., the governing instrument) does it explicitly declare as its post-termination objective the creation of a “Jewish State”. Rather, the Mandate speaks only of a “national home for the Jewish people” and a “Jewish national home” in Mandatory Palestine. Conveniently ignoring that fact that the League of Nations’ consistent use of the word “national” in the Mandate to describe the status of Jewish habitation in Mandatory Palestine was deliberate, thereby signifying the League’s intention and expectation that the resident Jewish population would eventually achieve nationhood for that non-sovereign territory, these anti-Zionist polemicists insist that, while the Mandate did grant to the Jewish people the collective right of settlement, it did not grant to the Jewish people the collective right of self-determination.
The first response to this claim is that, pursuant to Article 22, Paragraph 4 of the Covenant of the League of Nations, 100% of Mandatory Palestine was intended by the League of Nations to attain independence. This is due to the fact that all of Mandatory Palestine was officially recognized as being among those former Ottoman-occupied lands which “... have reached a stage of development where their existence as independent nations can be provisionally recognised subject to the rendering of administrative advice and assistance by a Mandatory until such time as they are able to stand alone.” Moreover, the Mandate itself (i.e., the governing instrument) acknowledged that the Mandate (i.e., the Trust) would eventually terminate (see Mandate for Palestine, Preamble, Paragraph 1; and Articles 8 & 28).
The second response to this claim is that, except as set forth in Article 25 of the Mandate, the Jews of Mandatory Palestine were granted exclusive national rights thereto in the form of a “national home” (Mandate for Palestine, Preamble, Paragraphs 2 & 3; and Articles 2 & 4), while the Gentiles of Mandatory Palestine were accorded only “civil and religious rights” therein (Mandate for Palestine, Preamble, Paragraph 2; and Article 2). Preambulatory paragraph 2 of the Mandate (which incorporates the Balfour Declaration) is particularly crucial because it links the creation of the Jewish National Home to the protection of the individual rights of Gentiles in Mandatory Palestine -- but not to the protection of the individual rights of Jews therein. This linkage makes sense only if the Mandate’s post-termination purpose was to create an independent State ruled by Jews; for, only in that case would it be necessary to provide for the protection of the individual rights of non-Jews therein and unnecessary to provide for the protection of the individual rights of Jews therein. If the Mandate had intended to also grant national rights to the Arab or other Gentile populations of Mandatory Palestine, then this preambulatory provision would have been rendered superfluous. It necessarily follows that, as confirmed by the statements of U.S. President Woodrow Wilson and British Prime Minister David Lloyd George, whenever western Mandatory Palestine attained independence, its Jewish population would continue to be the repository of exclusive national rights therein in the form of Jewish sovereignty over the Land. Moreover, it is illogical for the League of Nations to have declared, as its raison d'être for the enactment of the Mandate for Palestine, the reestablishment of a Jewish National Home, if that National Home was intended to be extinguished (i.e., subjected to Gentile governance) upon the Mandate’s termination.
Article 25 of the Mandate authorized the administrative separation of virtually all of eastern Mandatory Palestine from western Mandatory Palestine. The explicit authorization to withhold Jewish self-determination only in a specified portion of trans-Jordania meant that there was no such authorization to “postpone or withhold” Jewish self-determination elsewhere in Mandatory Palestine (i.e., cis-Jordania and the Golan Heights portion of trans-Jordania). This conclusion is reinforced by Article 5 of the Mandate which prohibits the Mandatory from otherwise removing territory (via relinquishment, lease or transfer of control) from the Jewish National Home. Article 25 of the Mandate was created and subsequently implemented precisely because, absent its creation and implementation, upon the termination of the Mandate, 100% of Mandatory Palestine would have attained its independence as a Jewish State. Consequently, Article 25 of the Mandate -- especially in light of Article 5 thereof -- constituted the Mandate’s only legal mechanism for creating from Mandatory Palestine an independent Arab State. For, if, in contravention of Article 5 of the Mandate, the Mandatory had possessed the inherent authority to remove portions of Mandatory Palestine from the Jewish National Home, then Article 25 of the Mandate would have been rendered superfluous.
As Article 25 of the Mandate applied, by its explicit terms, only to specified territory lying east of the Jordan River, its raison d’être (i.e., withholding Jewish self-determination) did not apply to the remainder of Mandatory Palestine. Article 25 of the Mandate was crafted precisely to separate the right of Jewish settlement (intended to be safeguarded, albeit in extremely diluted form, via Article 15 of the Mandate) from the right of Jewish self-determination (intended to be withheld via Article 25 of the Mandate) in that eastern territory. That being the case, it cannot logically be argued that this same distinction between Jewish settlement (i.e., permitted) and Jewish self-determination (i.e., not permitted) created exclusively for Trans-jordania applied, as well, to the remainder of Mandatory Palestine (i.e., territory lying west of the Jordan River and the Golan Heights).
It is also pointed out that, if the international community did not actually intend for western Mandatory Palestine to eventually become an independent Jewish State, then Article 129 of the Treaty of Sevres is rendered illogical. That provision bestowed Palestinian citizenship upon all (non-Turkish) Jewish inhabitants of Mandatory Palestine while stripping them of their previous citizenships. Consequently, if western Mandatory Palestine was never intended to become an independent Jewish State, then the Treaty of Sevres, in the guise of creating a Jewish National Home in Mandatory Palestine per Article 95 of the Treaty, incomprehensibly sought to degrade the legal status of (non-Turkish) Jews resident there from being citizens of numerous independent States to being citizens of a forever-administered non-sovereign Jewish National Home. Obviously, Article 129 of the Treaty was created to implement and enhance -- rather than to obstruct and degrade -- the rights being bestowed upon the Jewish people via Article 22, Paragraph 4 of the Treaty in conjunction with Article 95 thereof, meaning that the Treaty intended to bestow upon (non-Turkish) Jews residing in Mandatory Palestine a citizenship that would eventually be equal to that of which they were being stripped, namely, citizenship in a territory that would, upon termination of the Mandate, become an independent Jewish State.
Moreover, it is wholly illogical for the League of Nations to have bestowed upon the Jewish people exclusive collective rights and upon the Arabs only individual rights in Mandatory Palestine during the period of the British trusteeship thereof, but to have intended a subsequent role reversal, namely, that the Arabs would inherit exclusive collective rights and that the Jewish people would inherit only individual rights upon that territory’s achievement of statehood.
Consequently, in light of the foregoing (including the raison d’être of Article 25 of the Mandate for Palestine) the entirety of the Land from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea (i.e., 100% of western Mandatory Palestine) and the Golan Heights were intended by the League of Nations to eventually become an independent Jewish State.
However, this raises the following question: Why did the governing instrument of the Mandate for Palestine (a) explicitly base its authority upon Article 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations (per Preamble, Paragraph 1); and (b) explicitly incorporate the principles set forth in the Balfour Declaration (per Preamble, Paragraph 2); and (c) require the Mandatory to encourage Jewish immigration and to facilitate Jewish settlement (per Article 6); and (d) provide for the creation of a local Jewish government to assist and be tutored by the Mandatory Administration (per Article 4); and (e) authorize the Mandatory Administration to delegate certain national governmental functions to the local Jewish government (per Article 11); and (f) make several references to the fact that the Mandate was only temporary (per Articles 8 & 28) -- but refrain from explicitly declaring that the Mandate’s post-termination objective was the establishment of a “Jewish State”? The answer is that growing opposition in both Britain and the Arab World convinced the League of Nations to approve a governing instrument for the Mandate that rendered eventual Jewish sovereignty implicit rather than explicit. In the several years between the creation of the Mandate (in 1920) and the issuance of the final version of its governing instrument (in 1922), Arab opposition to the creation of a Jewish State in Mandatory Palestine exponentially grew, resulting in widespread Arab pogroms against Jews throughout the Land of Israel (further discussed elsewhere). In the meantime, Britain found itself under severe Arab diplomatic pressure to reverse the pro-Zionist policy embodied in its Balfour Declaration of 1917 (which portended the eventual creation of a Jewish State); and, for this reason, both chambers of the British parliament thereupon attempted to revoke the Balfour Declaration. All of the foregoing led Britain to issue its Command Paper of 1922 (which preceded the issuance of the final version of the governing instrument of the Mandate by only one month). In that document, Britain disingenuously declared that the Jewish National Home to be created and nurtured by the Mandate for Palestine was never intended to become an independent Jewish State. Moreover, at Britain’s request, and in order to further appease the Arab World, the League of Nations (a) added Article 25 to the final version of the Mandate, which decimated the size of the originally-promised Jewish National Home by removing virtually all of trans-Jordania (i.e., Mandatory Palestine east of the Jordan River, except for the Golan Heights) therefrom and (b) omitted any overt reference to the matter of future sovereignty in cis-Jordania (i.e., Mandatory Palestine west of the Jordan River) and the Golan Heights portion of trans-Jordania in the final version of the Mandate. However, the final version of the Mandate did leave intact the elemental building blocks for eventual Jewish sovereignty in western Mandatory Palestine and the Golan Heights. Moreover, it is reiterated that the final version of the Mandate declared that the objective of the Mandate was to create a “Jewish national home”. The Merriam-Webster Dictionary defines the adjective “national” as meaning: “of or relating to a nation”. Consequently, the Mandate’s stated objective was to create a supervised Jewish polity with the characteristics of nationhood, thereby rendering the creation of a “Jewish national home” the precursor for the establishment of an independent “Jewish State” upon termination of the Mandate.
However, even if -- despite all of the foregoing -- anti-Zionist polemicists are still unwilling to accept the evidence that the Jewish National Home of cis-Jordania and the Golan Heights was intended by the League of Nations to attain independence as a Jewish State, it is pointed out that there exists no evidence whatsoever to support the contrary hypothesis, namely that any portion of western Mandatory Palestine and the Golan Heights was intended by the League of Nations to attain independence as an Arab State. For, it bears reiterating that nowhere in the Mandate (even in Article 25 thereof) is there any authorization for the creation of an “Arab National Home” or an “Arab State” (or any equivalent formulation) in Mandatory Palestine. Yet, despite such lack of authorization, an Arab State (i.e., the Hashemite Kingdom of Transjordan, now known as the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan) was nonetheless established by the British Mandatory in trans-Jordania. Consequently, if, under those circumstances, the creation of an Arab State in eastern Mandatory Palestine is deemed to have been a legitimate objective of the Mandate, then how can the creation of a Jewish State (evolving from the internationally-authorized Jewish National Home) in cis-Jordania (i.e., western Mandatory Palestine) and the Golan Heights not be deemed to have also been a legitimate objective -- nay the primary objective -- of the Mandate?
Moreover, under international law, pursuant to the Latin-language legal doctrine known as “Uti Possidetis Juris” (meaning: “You Possess As Of Right”), a State established on non-sovereign territory is deemed to have the same borders as existed for that non-sovereign territory, meaning that, under international law, any Jewish State emerging in cis-Jordania would be deemed to encompass all of cis-Jordania.
In recognition of the foregoing principle, both Egypt and Jordan conceded in each of their respective peace treaties with Israel that their respective international borders with Israel were identical to their respective international borders with former western Mandatory Palestine, to wit:
Article II. The permanent boundary between Egypt and Israel is the recognized international boundary between Egypt and the former mandated territory of Palestine, as shown on the map at Annex II, without prejudice to the issue of the status of the Gaza Strip. The Parties recognize this boundary as inviolable. Each will respect the territorial integrity of the other, including their territorial waters and airspace.
(Article II of the “Peace Treaty between the State of Israel and the Arab Republic of Egypt, dated March 26, 1979”; also see Annex II thereof)
Article 3. International Boundary
1. The international boundary between Israel and Jordan is delimited with reference to the boundary definition under the Mandate as is shown in Annex I (a), on the mapping materials attached thereto and coordinates specified therein.
2. The boundary, as set out in Annex I (a), is the permanent, secure and recognised international boundary between Israel and Jordan, without prejudice to the status of any territories that came under Israeli military government control in 1967.
3. The Parties recognise the international boundary, as well as each other's territory, territorial waters and airspace, as inviolable, and will respect and comply with them.
(Paragraphs 1 - 3 of Article 3 of the “Treaty of Peace between the State of Israel and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, dated October 26, 1994”; also see Annex I(a) thereof).
Moreover, in alignment with their recognition of Israel’s present international borders as being identical to former western Mandatory Palestine’s international borders, neither treaty required Israel to withdraw from any of its reacquired territories, as none of these territories ever belonged to Egypt or Jordan, and consequently any Israeli withdrawals therefrom would have violated the Jewish State’s rights under the legal doctrine of Uti Possidetis Juris. It is also noteworthy that, in addition to not requiring Israel to withdraw from any of its reacquired territories, neither treaty purported to alter Israel’s recognized international borders by excepting therefrom the relevant “Palestinian” border enclave (i.e., by stating that, notwithstanding the demarcation of the Israel-Egypt border, Israel lacked a recognized international border with Egypt wherever the latter bordered Gaza; and by stating that, notwithstanding the demarcation of the Israel-Jordan border, Israel lacked a recognized international border with Jordan wherever the latter bordered the “West Bank”).
After illegally barring all Jewish immigration and land acquisition east of the Jordan River (i.e., in trans-Jordania), Britain again violated its fiduciary obligations to the Jewish people under the Mandate. For, in 1923, Britain, as the Mandatory of Mandatory Palestine, ceded to France, as the Mandatory of Mandatory Syria, the small portion of eastern Mandatory Palestine not allocated to the Hashemite Emirate of Transjordan, namely, the Golan Heights. Despite the fact that the transfer of the Golan Heights was part of a larger transaction in which France, as the Mandatory of Mandatory Syria, ceded to Britain, as the Mandatory of Mandatory Mesopotamia, Kurdish-populated lands in Mandatory Syria in the vicinity of oil-rich Mosul (located in modern-day northern Iraq) in exchange for a share of Mandatory Mesopotamia’s oil revenues, this transfer was nonetheless patently illegal under international law per Article 5 of the Mandate for Palestine, which states: “The Mandatory shall be responsible for seeing that no Palestine territory shall be ceded or leased to, or in any way placed under the control of, the Government of any foreign Power.” As the Mandate for Palestine was explicitly predicated upon the preexisting historical connection between the Jewish people and the Land of Israel, it is noteworthy that the Hebrew tribes, under the leadership of Moses, first settled the Golan Heights, then known as Bashan, circa 1400 BCE (see Numbers 21:33-35; and Deuteronomy 3:1-10), and that, within the territory of Bashan, the biblical City of Golan, for which the Golan Heights is named, was one of the 48 Levitical cities (see Joshua 21:27) and was also one of the 6 cities of refuge (see Deuteronomy 4:41-43; and Joshua 21:27) established in the Land of Israel. However, despite the illegality of the detachment of that historically-Jewish territory from Mandatory Palestine and its attachment to Mandatory Syria, when the modern state of Syria was subsequently created in 1946 upon the termination of the Mandate for Syria, modern Syria's de facto territory included the Golan Heights. It is noteworthy that, as of 2012, Israel’s possession of the Golan Heights exceeded the combined length of time that this territory was illegally held by Mandatory Syria (i.e., 1923 - 1946 = 23 years) and modern Syria (i.e., 1946 - 1967 = 21 years).
As news of the imminent creation of the Mandate for Palestine (i.e., the Trust) at the upcoming San Remo conference began to circulate, the Arabs of cis-Jordania began a campaign of terror attacks (via arson, bombings, knifings, shootings and riots) against the Jewish communities thereof.
In March 1920, an Arab mob attacked and destroyed the nascent Jewish village of Tel Hai (located in the Upper Galilee region of Israel proper).
In April 1920, over a four-day period coinciding with Passover (during which all British military forces were withdrawn from their positions, and many British and Arab policeman joined the rampaging mob), Arabs massacred and injured hundreds of Jews residing in the Old City of Jerusalem during widespread rioting incited by Antisemitic speeches given in honor of the Islamic “Nabi Musa” (meaning ironically: “Prophet Moses”) pilgrimage holiday, during which the organized Arab mob ritualistically shouted in rhyme: “Filastin baladna; wa al-Yahud kalabna” (meaning: “Palestine is our country; and the Jews are our dogs”). Subsequently, an Arab mob overran and destroyed the Ottoman-era Jewish village of Bnei Yehuda (located in the Golan Heights).
In May 1921 Arabs massacred and injured hundreds of Jews residing in Arab-dominated Jaffa (now part of Tel Aviv in Israel proper), resulting in the flight of all surviving Jews to adjacent Tel Aviv. Subsequently, Arabs attacked and attempted to destroy the Ottoman-era Jewish town of Petah Tikva in Israel proper, followed by an assault on the Jewish town of Rehovot in Israel proper.
The 1920 Jerusalem pogrom and the 1921 Jaffa pogrom led, respectively, to the impaneling by Britain of the Palin Commission of Inquiry of 1920 and the Haycraft Commission of Inquiry of 1921. Although the Jewish leadership of Mandatory Palestine hoped that these investigative commissions would issue unequivocal condemnations of the rampant anti-Jewish violence then sweeping across the Land, thereby resulting in greater police protection for the mostly-unarmed Jewish population, both Commissions issued reports which, instead, focused on Arab grievances, essentially concluding that Jewish immigration and land purchases were the root causes of anti-Jewish violence, mostly due to Britain’s belief that such Jewish activities -- although authorized and encouraged by the Mandate for Palestine -- were understandably viewed by the resident Arab population (both Muslim and Christian) as intolerable provocations.
It is telling that, approximately 100 years later, the international community continues to view each and every Arab atrocity against the Jewish population of the Land of Israel through the prism of Arab grievances that predictably portray genocidal Arab aggressors as hapless victims of Jewish provocation. That the label affixed by the Arabs to this “provocation” has mutated -- from “Jewish Immigration and Land Purchases” (1920 - 1948), to “The Illegitimate Existence of the Zionist Entity” (1948 - 1967), to “The Occupation and Jewish Settlements” (1967 - Present Time) -- in order to suit the prevailing Zeitgeist among the nations matters little. For, the real root cause of Arab aggression against the Jewish population of the biblical Land of Israel has remained unchanged, namely, the refusal of the Arab World to accept the de jure existence (i.e., legitimate presence) of a sovereign Jewish National Home in any portion of the Land.
Exemplifying this Truth in its founding document (entitled “The Charter of Allah: The Platform of the Islamic Resistance Movement” of August 18, 1988), the Islamic Resistance Movement (which is more commonly known by its Arabic-language acronym: “Hamas”) has bluntly and candidly explained its eternal opposition to the existence of a Jewish nation-state in the biblical Land of Israel, as follows:
“Israel will exist and will continue to exist until Islam obliterates it, as it has obliterated its predecessors.” (excerpt from the Preamble thereof)
“Our struggle against the Jews is very great and very serious. It needs all sincere efforts. It is a step that inevitably should be followed by other steps. The Movement [i.e., the Islamic Resistance Movement] is but one squadron that should be supported by more and more squadrons from this vast Arab and Islamic World, until the Enemy [i.e., the State of Israel] is vanquished and Allah's Victory is realized. (excerpt from the Introduction thereof)
“The Prophet [i.e., Muhammad, the founder of Islam], prayer and peace be upon him, said: ‘The Day of Judgment will not come until the Muslims will fight the Jews and kill them, when the Jews will hide behind rocks and trees, which will cry: O Muslim! O Servant of Allah! There is a Jew hiding behind me, come and kill him!’” (excerpt from Article 7 thereof)
“For a long time, the Enemies [i.e., the Jews] have been planning, skillfully and with precision, for the Achievement of what they have attained. They took into consideration the causes affecting the current of events. They strived to amass great and substantive material wealth which they devoted to the realization of their Dream. With their money, they took control of the World media, news agencies, the press, publishing houses, broadcasting stations, and others. With their money they stirred revolutions in various parts of the World with the purpose of achieving their interests and reaping the fruit therein. They were behind the French Revolution, the Communist revolution and most of the revolutions we heard and hear about, here and there. With their money they formed secret societies, such as Freemasons, Rotary Clubs, the Lions and others in different parts of the World for the purpose of sabotaging societies and achieving Zionist interests. With their money they were able to control imperialistic countries and instigate them to colonize many countries in order to enable them to exploit their resources and spread corruption there. You may speak as much as you want about regional and World wars. They were behind World War I, when they were able to destroy the Islamic Caliphate [which was abolished by Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, the founder of modern Turkey, in 1924], making financial gains and controlling resources. They obtained the Balfour Declaration, formed the League of Nations through which they could rule the World. They were behind World War II, through which they made huge financial gains by trading in armaments, and paved the way for the establishment of their State [i.e., the State of Israel]. It was they who instigated the replacement of the League of Nations with the United Nations and the Security Council to enable them to rule the World through them. There is no war going on anywhere, without their fingerprints on it.” (excerpt from Article 22 thereof)
“Israel, by virtue of its being Jewish and of having a Jewish population, defies Islam and the Muslims.” (excerpt from Article 28 thereof)
Moreover, even the “moderate” Palestinian Authority (which is an instrumentality of the umbrella terrorist group known as the “Palestine Liberation Organization”) -- by manipulating the nomenclature of human rights through its internationally-supported demand for demographic “restorative justice” -- has also, albeit more cleverly, expressed its eternal opposition to Israel’s existence as a Jewish State by explaining as follows:
“Statehood [for “Palestine”] will never affect the right of return for Palestinian refugees [to Israel proper, i.e., the “Palestinian” territory which became the State of Israel within its former 1949 armistice demarcation lines]. … The [“Palestinian”] State is [to be defined by] the 1967 borders [i.e., the “West Bank” and Gaza], but the refugees are not only from the 1967 borders [i.e., the “West Bank” and Gaza]. The refugees are from all over Palestine [i.e., including Israel proper]. When we have a State accepted as a member of the United Nations, this is not the end of the conflict. This is not a solution to the conflict. This is only a new framework that will change the rules of the game.” (excerpt from an interview of Abdullah Abdullah, Palestinian Authority Ambassador to Lebanon, in the Lebanese newspaper “The Daily Star” on September 15, 2011).
Shortly thereafter, Mahmoud Abbas, Chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization, leader of the Fatah (meaning: “Conquest”) faction of the Palestine Liberation Organization and President of the Palestinian Authority, removed the camouflage by bluntly declaring as follows:
“I’ve said it before and I will say it again: I will never recognize the Jewishness of the [Israeli] State or [recognize] a Jewish State.” (excerpt from an interview of Mahmoud Abbas on the Egyptian TV network “Dream2TV” on October 23, 2011).
Subsequently, Jibril Rajoub, senior P.L.O. official, Deputy Secretary of the Fatah Central Committee and Chairman of the Palestinian Authority Olympic Committee, reiterated -- in the clearest terms -- the Palestinian Authority’s rejection of the Jewish State’s right to exist by stating as follows:
“We, the Palestinians, are the enemies of Israel. There is no going back to negotiations. Listen. We, as yet, do not have a nuke [i.e., nuclear bomb]; but I swear that if we had a nuke, we would have used it [against Israel] this very morning.” (excerpt from an interview of Jibril Rajoub on the Lebanese TV network “al-Mayadeen” on May 2, 2013)
Approximately six months later, Mahmoud Abbas reiterated the Palestinian Authority’s rejection of Israel as the nation-state of the Jewish people by again bluntly declaring as follows:
“We don't accept the Jewish State or the Jewishness of the [Israeli] State. This is something that we won't accept.” (excerpt from a speech given by Mahmoud Abbas during a meeting of the Fatah faction of the Palestine Liberation Organization on November 4, 2013)
The foregoing rejection of Israel’s legal status was reinforced by the Arab League (formally known as the “League of Arab States”) in its final communique at the conclusion of its summit in Kuwait on March 26, 2014, which declared, in part, as follows:
“We express our absolute and decisive rejection to recognizing Israel as a Jewish State.”
Mahmoud Abbas echoed that pan-Arab rejection at a subsequent emergency session of the Arab League in Egypt on November 29, 2014 by once again declaring as follows:
“We will never recognize the Jewishness of the State of Israel.”
That the P.L.O. qua the “Occupied State of Palestine” seeks to replace rather than accommodate the Jewish State is further evidenced by the fact that the P.L.O., inter alia:
(1) pays generous monthly stipends to convicted Arab terrorists in Israeli prisons and to the family members of dead Arab terrorists, based upon the severity of the atrocity and the length of imprisonment, provided that such terrorists have murdered or have attempted to murder Jews (even if Gentiles are also killed or maimed);
(2) has officially declared January 1 to be a day of celebration in honor of the P.L.O.’s first terrorist attack against Israel (which occurred on January 1, 1965);
(3) has officially declared May 15 to be a day of mourning for the failed pan-Arab attempt to destroy Israel as soon as it became a sovereign State (which occurred on May 15, 1948);
(4) demonizes the Jewish State and propagates blood libels against (e.g., that Jews murder Gentiles in order to use their blood for religious purposes; that the Israeli army has been ordered to infect “Palestinian” Arabs with viruses; and that Israel poisons “Palestinian” Arab water sources) and derogatory epithets (e.g., that Jews are descendants of apes and pigs; that Jews are dogs; and that Jews stain the Temple Mount with their dirty feet) against the Jewish people through government-dictated mosque sermons, government-controlled media and coordinated speeches by government officials;
(5) prohibits activities which promote normalization between its populace and Israeli Jews;
(6) names (or renames) town squares, schools, sporting events and youth camps after “Palestinian” Arab terrorists;
(7) officially declares via government-issued maps, government-dictated mosque sermons, government-controlled media and coordinated speeches by government officials that there is no historical or religious connection between the Jewish people and the “Occupied State of Palestine” and that, consequently, the “Occupied State of Palestine” encompasses 100% of the territory that is presently part of the State of Israel within its former 1949 armistice demarcation lines, thereby messaging to its populace that the Jewish State was and remains an illegitimate creation and that the “Occupied State of Palestine” stretches from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea; and
(8) impresses upon its youth the importance of personally aspiring to achieving “martyrdom” in order to “liberate” the “Occupied State of Palestine”, which, in this context, means being killed before, during or after the act of murdering or attempting to murder Jews (even if Gentiles are also killed or maimed).
Furthermore, as its price for making “peace” with Israel, the P.L.O. has issued four main non-negotiable demands, namely, that Israel:
(a) shrink to its former 1949 armistice demarcation lines, thereby
(i) rendering Israel only 15 kilometers (approximately 9 miles) wide at its narrowest point in the Coastal Plain, and
(ii) forcing Israel to abandon Jerusalem’s Temple Mount, its Western Wall and its adjacent Old City Jewish Quarter;
(b) create a sovereign “Palestinian” Arab transportation corridor, which will bisect Israel, in order to connect the P.L.O.-ruled “West Bank” to the Hamas-ruled Gaza;
(c) expel every Jew (numbering more than 650,000 as of 2020) from Judea, Samaria and the eastern portion of Jerusalem,; and
(d) permit the immigration to Israel of more than 5,000,000 foreign-born Arab “refugees”.
In tandem with the P.L.O.’s refusal to recognize Israel as the nation-state of the Jewish people, this “peace” offer constitutes an explicit blueprint for the destruction of the Jewish State.
Perhaps nothing demonstrates the real root cause of the eternal “Palestinian” Arab Jihad against the Jewish State better than the annual Arab denunciation of Britain’s Balfour Declaration, which served as the inspiration for (and was incorporated into the Preamble of) the League of Nations’ Mandate for Palestine, which, in turn, served as the international legal basis for the reconstitution of the Jewish nation-state in the biblical Land of Israel. On October 31, 2013, the Palestinian Authority’s Ministry of Information posted the following statement on its English-language website, concerning the illegitimacy of the Balfour Declaration:
On the 96th anniversary of Balfour Declaration
Date: 31 Oct 2013
Balfour Declaration is an illegal promise made by someone who does not own to someone who does not deserve.
Since the UK Foreign Secretary Arthur James Balfour pronounced the Balfour Declaration on 2 November 1917, promising a homeland for the Jews in Palestine, a shameful chapter in human rights violations started to unfold when a nation, the British, promised another nation, the Jews, the land of a third nation, the Palestinians. By promising Jews, who made up 6% of the inhabitants of Palestine, their own state, the declaration violated the rights of the other 94% of the indigenous population.
The declaration arrogantly referred to the majority population of Palestine as “the non-Jewish community in Palestine” and contradicted the 1916 McMahon-Hussain agreement and the principles of national self-determination enshrined in the international law and IHL [International Humanitarian Law].
A 67-word promise ignited an almost century-long conflict and violations to human and civil rights of the Palestinians. The declaration continues to serve as the bases for a racial discrimination system forcibly inflicted on Palestine and the Palestinians putting former South Africa Apartheid regime to shame.
To add injury to the insult, many of the superpowers continue supporting the Israeli occupation to the cradle of Christianity and sacred shrines of Islam, an occupation disgraced with flagrant violations to human rights and democracy. An occupation that is not hesitant to build a racial separation wall deep in the 1967-occupied land at the time when the World celebrates anniversaries of the fall of the Berlin wall.
On the 96th anniversary, more than 11 million Palestinians await justice and redress of a historical ongoing injustice. The Palestinians have already been granted the status of a UN-observer state; this entails full membership of all other UN and international organizations and platforms and further entails exerting unyielding pressure on the Israeli occupation authority to stop violations of Palestinian human rights and confiscation of Palestinian land and to ensure the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, the victims of the ill-famed declaration, including their right to return to their homes and property [in what is now the State of Israel within its former 1949 armistice demarcation lines]. All the aforementioned essentially requires having Israel respect international law and releasing all the Palestinian prisoners it unlawfully detains in its prisons. Its but basic that Israel is required to demonstrate seriousness and dedication to peace negotiations that the Palestinian leadership continue calling for.
The subtext of labeling the Tree (i.e., the Balfour Declaration) as being irredeemably illegitimate is that its Fruit (i.e., the Jewish State) is likewise irredeemably illegitimate.
Even Egypt and Jordan, with which the State of Israel now has formal peace treaties (effected, respectively, in 1979 and 1994), acknowledge only the Jewish State’s de facto existence (i.e., tentative and provisional control over territory) -- which is the reason why the relationship between the Jewish State and these two Arab States is best described as a “cold peace” (i.e., minimal non-belligerency rather than normalized relations). This is because, in violation of their respective peace treaties with Israel, each of these States has stigmatized the notion of normalization with Israel, by:
(1) discouraging its citizens from visiting the Jewish State via a campaign of government harassment (against those who seek to visit) and retaliation (against those who do visit) by the government’s intelligence services and/or the government-licensed occupational guilds; and
(2) allowing State-controlled media to:
(a) demonize Israel and the Jewish people, and
(b) demonize and threaten violence against Arab elites, such as singers and models who commit the sin of being photographed with Israeli celebrities (anywhere in the World), and journalists and academics who commit the sin of making positive statements about the Jewish State.
Moreover, both of these “peace partners” continue to spearhead the numerous resolutions issued by every component of the United Nations system (i.e., its General Assembly, its Security Council, its constituent committees, its constituent agencies and its affiliated organizations) which portray Israel as the source of Evil in the World.
The Arab pogroms of the first decade of the Mandate, punctuated by periods of calm, culminated in the coordinated atrocities of August 1929 during which the Arabs of Hebron massacred 67 and the Arabs of Safed massacred 22 of their Jewish neighbors -- leading the British Mandatory authorities, not to arrest more than a token of the perpetrators of either massacre, but rather to facilitate the expulsion of the remainder of Hebron's ancient Jewish community -- and during which the Arabs of Tulkarm, Jenin, Nablus, Gaza and other Arab-dominated localities also murdered, maimed and expelled the Jewish communities within their midst. These latter massacres and expulsions led to the impaneling by Britain of the Shaw Commission of Inquiry of 1929. The Commission’s report, while blaming the Arabs for the violence, nonetheless determined that the root cause therefor was continued Jewish immigration and concomitant land purchases, as a result of which it recommended severely curtailing both activities.
Subsequently, in 1933, as Jewish immigration dramatically increased in the wake of Adolf Hitler’s appointment as Chancellor of Germany, Arab violence again exploded, not only against the Jewish population of the western (i.e., cis-Jordania) portion of Mandatory Palestine, but -- for the first time -- also against British Mandatory authorities.
These periodic assaults again spiked in April 1936 when the leadership of the Arabs of the cis-Jordania portion of Mandatory Palestine launched a series of terror attacks (via mob violence, firebombing, shootings and knifings) against Jewish population centers (including Jewish neighborhoods of mixed cities) and British Mandatory authorities. This jihad, which raged until August 1939, was denominated by the Arabs as the “Great Arab Revolt”.
Alarmed by the continuing Arab violence, the British government impaneled a Palestine Royal Commission in August 1936 to determine the causes of the Arab unrest and the means by which it might be ameliorated. In July 1937, the Commission issued its report (commonly known as the “Peel Commission Report”) to the British Parliament, which opined, as follows:
After examining this and other evidence and studying the course of events in Palestine since the War, we have no doubt as to what were “the underlying causes of the disturbances” of last year. They were: --
(i) The desire of the Arabs for national independence.
(ii) Their hatred and fear of the establishment of the Jewish National Home.
(Palestine Royal Commission Report, Chapter IV (entitled “The Disturbances of 1936”), paragraph 43)
We make the following comments on these two causes: --
(i) They were the same underlying causes as those which brought about the “disturbances” of 1920, 1921, 1929 and 1933.
(ii) They were, and always have been, inextricably linked together. The Ba1four Declaration and the Mandate under which it was to be implemented involved the denial of national independence at the outset. The subsequent growth of the National Home created a practical obstacle, and the only serious one, to the concession later of national independence. It was believed that its further growth might mean the political as well as economic subjection of the Arabs to the Jews, so that, if ultimately the Mandate should terminate and Palestine become independent, it would not be national independence in the Arab sense but self-government by a Jewish majority.
(iii) They were the only “underlying” causes. All the other factors were complementary or subsidiary, aggravating the two causes or helping to determine the time at which the disturbances broke out.
(Palestine Royal Commission Report, Chapter IV (entitled “The Disturbances of 1936”), paragraph 44)
The Arabs of western Mandatory Palestine hated and feared the creation of the Jewish National Home precisely because they correctly understood the League of Nations’ creation of a Jewish National Home in western Mandatory Palestine to be the precursor for the establishment, upon termination of the Mandate, of an independent Jewish State therein.
Yet, the Peel Commission also concluded that Jewish immigration, Jewish land purchases and Jewish economic activities, occurring after the creation of the Mandate for Palestine in April 1920, had spurred Arab immigration to Mandatory Palestine, had increased Arab wealth and Arab employment there, and had improved Arab medical care there, as follows:
It remains to examine the validity of the Jewish claim that this advance has been largely due to the establishment of the National Home. After considering the evidence submitted to us, both orally and in writing, by the Jewish representatives on this question, we have come to the following conclusions: --
(i) The large import of Jewish capital into Palestine has had a general fructifying effect on the economic life of the whole country.
(ii) The expansion of Arab industry and citriculture has been largely financed by the capital thus obtained.
(iii) Jewish example has done much to improve Arab cultivation, especially of citrus.
(iv) Owing to Jewish development and enterprise, the employment of Arab labour has increased in urban areas, particularly in the ports.
(v) The reclamation and anti-malaria work undertaken in Jewish “colonies” have benefited all Arabs in the neighbourhood.
(vi) Institutions founded with Jewish funds primarily to serve the National Home, have also served the Arab population. Hadassah, for example, treats Arab patients, notably at the Tuberculosis Hospital at Safad and the Radiology Institute at Jerusalem, admits Arab countryfolk to the clinics of its Rural Sick Benefit Fund, and does much infant welfare work for Arab mothers.
(vii) The general beneficent effect of Jewish immigration on Arab welfare is illustrated by the fact that the increase in the Arab population is most marked in urban areas affected by Jewish development. A comparison of the Census returns in 1922 and 1931 shows that, six years ago, the increase per cent in Haifa was 86, in Jaffa 62, in Jerusalem 37, while in purely Arab towns such as Nablus and Hebron it was only 7, and at Gaza there was a decrease of 2 per cent.
(Palestine Royal Commission Report, Chapter V (entitled “The Present Situation”), paragraph 32)
In light of the increasing hostility of the resident Arab population (both Muslim and Christian) towards the resident Jewish population, the Peel Commission concluded that, despite the raison d’être of the Mandate for Palestine, it was infeasible for Britain, as Mandatory, to permit the entirety of the cis-Jordania portion of Mandatory Palestine to become a Jewish State ruling over a revanchist and irredentist Arab population (see Palestine Royal Commission Report, Chapter XX (entitled “The Force of Circumstances”), paragraph 19). Moreover, due to this intense hostility, the concept of a binational state, consisting of confederated Jewish and Arab cantons, was also rejected (see Palestine Royal Commission Report, Chapter XXI (entitled “Cantonisation”), paragraphs 1 - 11). Instead, the Peel Commission recommended that the Mandate be terminated and that the western portion of Mandatory Palestine be partitioned into (1) a miniscule sovereign Jewish State (constituting approximately 20% of cis-Jordania and approximately 4.4% of original Mandatory Palestine), (2) a substantially larger sovereign Arab State (constituting approximately 70% of cis-Jordania and approximately 15.4% of original Mandatory Palestine) into which would be merged the semi-autonomous Emirate of Transjordan (thereby constituting, after such merger, approximately 92.4% of original Mandatory Palestine), and (3) in order to protect international access to Christendom’s sites of pilgrimage, three small non-sovereign enclaves comprised, respectively, of: (a) Jerusalem and certain of its environs (including Bethlehem), (b) Nazareth, and (c) Lake Kinneret (which the Report alternatively labels as the “Sea of Galilee” and as “Lake Tiberias”) to be governed by a new British-administered League of Nations mandate (constituting approximately 10% of cis-Jordania and approximately 2.2% of original Mandatory Palestine) (see Palestine Royal Commission Report, Chapter XXII (entitled “A Plan of Partition”), Paragraphs 1 - 22).
Incredibly, the Peel Commission also recommended that the proposed Jewish State be required to pay a subsidy to the proposed Arab State in order to compensate the latter for (1) its expected poor economic performance, and (2) its self-perceived loss of Arab territory, as follows:
As we have explained in an earlier chapter, the Jews contribute more per capita to the revenues of Palestine than the Arabs, and the Government has thereby been enabled to maintain public services for the Arabs at a higher level than would otherwise have been possible. Partition would mean, on the one hand, that the Arab Area would no longer profit from the taxable capacity of the Jewish Area. On the other hand, (1) the Jews would acquire a new right of sovereignty in the Jewish Area; (2) that Area, as we have defined it, would be larger than the existing area of Jewish land and settlement; (3) the Jews would be freed from their present liability for helping to promote the welfare of Arabs outside that Area. It seems to us, therefore, not unreasonable to suggest that the Jewish State should pay a subvention to the Arab State when Partition comes into effect. There have been recent precedents for equitable financial arrangements of this kind in those connected with the separation of Sind from Bombay and of Burma from the Indian Empire; and in accordance with those precedents we recommend that a Finance Commission should be appointed to consider and report as to what the amount of the subvention should be.
(Palestine Royal Commission Report, Chapter XXII (entitled “A Plan of Partition”), Paragraph 23)
The advantages to the Arabs of Partition on the lines we have proposed may be summarized as follows:
(iv) As a set-off to the loss of territory the Arabs regard as theirs, the Arab State will receive a subvention from the Jewish State. …
(Palestine Royal Commission Report, Chapter XXIII (entitled “Conclusion”), Paragraph 2)
The Peel Commission thereby (1) sought to penalize the resident Jewish population for its prodigious economic output by redistributing Jewish wealth to the resident Arab population, and (2) sought to validate the fallacious Arab claim that the Jewish people (via the exercise of their legal rights under the Mandate for Palestine to immigrate to and purchase land in Mandatory Palestine, “… including State lands and waste lands …” -- Mandate for Palestine, Article 6) were progressively engaged in theft of Arab territory.
Recognizing the fact that neither population would accept being ruled by the other, the Peel Commission further recommended an exchange of populations (by force if necessary) between the proposed Jewish State and the proposed Arab State, whereby Arabs then residing in the proposed Jewish State would relocate (or be forcibly transferred) to the proposed Arab State, and whereby Jews then residing in the proposed Arab State would relocate (or be forcibly transferred) to the proposed Jewish State (see Palestine Royal Commission Report, Chapter XXII (entitled “A Plan of Partition”), Paragraphs 39 - 43).
The Peel Commission Report was adopted by the British Parliament. However, although the principle of partition (albeit not the precise boundaries proposed in the Report) had been accepted by the Jewish leadership of the cis-Jordania portion of Mandatory Palestine, that principle’s rejection by the Arab leadership thereof (despite the fact that it would have resulted in a huge Arab State occupying both sides of the Jordan River and encompassing approximately 92.4% of original Mandatory Palestine) caused the British government initially to defer the Report’s implementation pending further study, and subsequently to repudiate it.
The “Palestinian” Arab leaders’ rejection of partition and their preference for violence (in order to achieve the immediate cancellation of the Mandate for Palestine and its replacement with an Arab State) guarantied the continuation of the “Great Arab Revolt” for the next 2 years due, in large part, to the support that the jihad was receiving from Nazi Germany. The Nazis, in addition to providing clandestine funding and armaments to the leadership of the jihad, also infiltrated its agents into the western portion of Mandatory Palestine in order to provide tactical support for the jihad.
The leader of the “Great Arab Revolt” was former Turkish army officer Mohammed Amin al-Husseini (commonly known as Haj Amin al-Husseini). He had previously been instrumental in instigating both the April 1920 and the August 1929 “Palestinian” Arab pogroms against “Palestinian” Jews. As the British-appointed Grand Mufti of Jerusalem and head of the Supreme Muslim Council, and as the Arab-appointed Chairman of the Arab Higher Committee, al-Husseini was the paramount spiritual and political leader of the Arabs of the western portion of Mandatory Palestine. However, in 1937, after Mandatory authorities sought his arrest on account of his role in planning and implementing the “Great Arab Revolt”, he fled Mandatory Palestine and eventually reached Nazi Germany, in the interim:
(1) helping to establish several Muslim Nazi battalions in Bosnia and Kosovo (which participated in the brutal deportation of local Jews to various death camps);
(2) assisting in the creation of the short-lived Nazi Arab government in Iraq on April 1, 1941 (which, at that time, had a substantial Jewish population);
(3) employing Nazi propaganda to instigate a two-day pogrom by Iraqi Muslims against Iraqi Jews, commencing on June 1, 1941 (commonly known as the “Farhoud”), and resulting in the massacre of hundreds of Jews, the maiming of thousands of Jews, and the destruction of thousands of Jewish homes and businesses, in replication of Nazi Germany’s two-day pogrom against Jews residing in Germany and Austria, commencing on November 9, 1938 (commonly known as “Kristallnacht”); and
(4) becoming one of German Chancellor Adolf Hitler’s personal advisors on the annihilation of the Jewish people during the Holocaust. During his stay in Nazi Germany, al-Husseini broadcast Nazi propaganda in Arabic (via Radio Zeissen) to the countries of the Middle East, repeatedly declaring, inter alia, that World Jewry was the common enemy of Islam and Germany.
In recognition of his ongoing services to Nazi Germany, al-Husseini received the rank of SS-Gruppenführer; and Hitler honorifically referred to him as “die arabischen Führer” (“the Arab Leader”). After the War, he was given asylum in Egypt (where he was a co-founder of the League of Arab States, commonly known as the “Arab League”), and then in Lebanon.
To this Day, al-Husseini remains an inspirational and aspirational hero to “Palestinian” Arabs (including those “Palestinian” Arabs who, due to their Israeli citizenship, are sometimes referred to as Israeli Arabs). For example, on January 4, 2013, during a televised speech given to members of the dominant Fatah faction of the Palestine Liberation Organization celebrating the 48th anniversary of the terrorist organization’s founding, Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas praised al-Husseini and exhorted his audience to emulate his ideology and conduct. In late February 2014, an Arab student group in Israel, named “Watan” (meaning: “[Arab] Nation”), sponsored a two-day photographic exhibit at Hebrew University in Jerusalem called “Pictures From Across Palestine”, which included several captioned pictures lauding al-Husseini. On April 11, 2018 (being the eve of Israel’s Holocaust Remembrance Day that year), the Palestinian Authority held an anti-Israel conference in its capital city, Ramallah, dominated by a gigantic banner featuring the likeness of al-Husseini.
Hitler cultivated Muslim and Arab favor. He permitted German Muslims to become and remain Nazi Party members throughout the War. He also declared that the Arab people were “honorary Aryans”.
Moreover, after the War, in recognition of this bond, thousands of Nazi war criminals sought and obtained safe haven in Arab countries, took Arab names, converted to Islam and obtained respected positions in Arab governments. For example, after the War, Egypt sheltered, among other Nazi war criminals:
Hussein Farid (formerly: Aribet Heim, a Nazi medical doctor who tortured and experimented on Jewish prisoners at the Sachsenhausen, Buchenwald, and Mauthausen death camps) who became an Egyptian police doctor;
Mahmoud Saleh (formerly: Nazi propagandist Alfred Zingler), who joined the Egyptian Information Ministry;
Omar Amin (formerly: Nazi propagandist Johann von Leers), who joined the Egyptian Information Ministry;
Ali Bin Keshir (formerly: Mauthausen death camp guard Wilhelm Boerner), who joined the Egyptian Interior Ministry and became an advisor to the Palestine Liberation Front; and
El Hussein (formerly: Franz Bartel, assistant Gestapo chief of Katowice, Poland), who joined the Egyptian Information Ministry.
Declassified information from British and German archives confirm the close relationship that developed between Nazi Germany and the “Palestinian” Arabs during the jihad of 1936 - 1939, as coordinated by Nazi Germany’s (pre-World War II) embassy and consulates in western Mandatory Palestine.
Republished below, in full, is an article from ynetnew.com, the English-language website of the Israeli newspaper Yediot Achronot, published on May 7, 2006, that summarizes and excerpts this information, as well as reveals the extent to which British policy on Jewish immigration to Mandatory Palestine was negatively influenced by the growing Nazi-Arab affinity:
Nazis ‘shipped arms to Palestinians’
British National Archives unveil presence of Nazi S.S. agents in Mandatory Palestine, working closely with Palestinian leaders
By: Yaakov Lappin, ynetnew.com, 05.07.06
Historical documents in Britain’s National Archives in London show that Nazi Germany attempted to ship arms to Palestinian forces in the 1930s.
A British Foreign Office report from 1939 reports of “news of a consignment of arms from Germany, sent via Turkey and addressed to Ibn Saud (king of Saudi Arabia), but really intended for the Palestine insurgents.” Britain’s chief military officer in Mandatory Palestine also noted reports “regarding import of German arms at intervals for some years now.”
British documents from the same period, and German records photographed by an American spy and sent to the British government, said that a number of Nazi agents were sent to Mandatory Palestine, in order to forge alliances with Palestinian leaders, and urge them to reject a partition of the land between the Jewish and Arab populations.
One Nazi agent, Adam Vollhardt, arrived in Palestine in July 1938, and was reported to have gained strong influence with Arab leaders, meeting with Palestinian leaders throughout 1938. Vollhardt held several meetings with leading Arab politicians and told them “that the Palestine question would be settled to the satisfaction of the Arabs within a few weeks,” adding that “it would be fatal to their (Palestinians’) cause if at this juncture they showed any signs of weakness or exhaustion.”
“Germany was interested in the settlement of the (Palestine) question on the basis of the Arabs obtaining their full demands,” Vollhardt was reported to say to Palestinian leaders, according to a report by the British War Office. Vollhardt also assured Arab leaders that “the Germans could continue to support the Palestinian Arab cause by means of propaganda.”
German documents photographed and sent to Whitehall by an American spy revealed that in 1937, German officials had calculated that “Palestine under Arab rule would… become one of the few countries where we could count on a strong sympathy for the new Germany.”
‘Arabs admire our Fuhrer’
“The Palestinian Arabs show on all levels a great sympathy for the new Germany and its Fuhrer, a sympathy whose value is particularly high as it is based on a purely ideological foundation,” a Nazi official in Palestine wrote in a letter to Berlin in 1937. He added: “Most important for the sympathies which Arabs now feel towards Germany is their admiration for our Fuhrer; especially during the unrests, I often had an opportunity to see how far these sympathies extend. When faced with a dangerous behaviour of an Arab mass, when one said that one was German, this was already generally a free pass.”
A second Nazi agent, Dr. Franz Reichart, was reported to be actively working with Palestinian Arabs by the British Criminal Investigation Division “to help coordinate Arab and German propaganda.” Reichart was also head of the German Telegraphic Agency in Jerusalem.
German records show that the Nazis viewed the establishment of a Jewish state with great concern. A 1937 report from German General Consulate in Palestine said: “The formation of a Jewish state… is not in Germany’s interest because a (Jewish) Palestinian state would create additional national power bases for international Jewry such as for example the Vatican State for political Catholicism or Moscow for the Communists. Therefore, there is a German interest in strengthening the Arabs as a counterweight against such possible power growth of the Jews.”
Jewish refugees abandoned
The records also show that the news of increased Nazi-Arab cooperation panicked the British government, and caused it to cancel a plan in 1938 to bring to Palestine 20,000 German Jewish refugees, half of them children, facing danger from the Nazis.
Documents show that after deciding that the move would upset Arab opinion, Britain decided to abandon the Jewish refugees to their fate.
“His Majesty’s Government asked His Majesty’s Representatives in Cairo, Baghdad and Jeddah whether so far as they could judge, feelings in Egypt, Iraq, and Saudi Arabia against the admission of, say 5,000 Jewish children for adoption… would be so strong as to lead to a refusal to send representatives to the London discussions. All three replies were strongly against the proposal, which was not proceeded with,” a Foreign Office report said.
“If war were to break out, no trouble that the Jews could occasion us, in Palestine or elsewhere, could weigh for a moment against the importance of winning Muslim opinion to our side,” Britain’s Minister for Coordination of Defence, Lord Chatfield, told the British cabinet in 1939, shortly before Britain reversed its decision to partition its mandate, promising instead all of the land to the Palestinian Arabs.
Although Britain’s decision, in 1938, to curry favor with the belligerent Arab population of the cis-Jordania portion of Mandatory Palestine, as well as with the larger Arab and (non-Arab) Muslim Worlds, by impeding mass Jewish flight from Nazi Germany to the western portion of Mandatory Palestine constituted yet another serious breach of its Mandatory obligations to the Jewish people, such informal ad hoc decision-making did not yet represent a formal and absolute bar to further Jewish immigration.
However, in May 1939, in order to assuage the growing “Palestinian” Arab rage against Britain for having facilitated Jewish immigration to, and Jewish land purchases in, western Mandatory Palestine, and as its official response to the sustained Arab violence of the preceding three years, and in an effort -- largely unsuccessful -- to wean the Arab populations of Mandatory Palestine and the larger Middle East away from their open support of Nazi Germany (as the latter was beginning its conquest of Europe), Britain, with the tacit support of the United States (at the direction of President Franklin Roosevelt), further violated the provisions of the Mandate for Palestine by approving the implementation of an infamous manifesto, commonly known as the Palestine White Paper of 1939 (also known as the “MacDonald White Paper”).
The Palestine White Paper, while ostensibly asserting fealty to the stated goals of the Mandate, in fact subverted the Mandate's raison d’être by essentially declaring that, no later than 1949, an Arab-dominated state -- the Jewish component of which was to be limited to one third of the population thereof in order to assuage expressed Arab fears regarding eventual Jewish preeminence therein -- would be established in western Mandatory Palestine (i.e., Mandatory Palestine from the Mediterranean Sea to the Jordan River) (see Palestine White Paper, Section I, entitled “The Constitution”, paragraph 8; and Section II, entitled “Immigration”, paragraphs 3 & 5).
Specifically, the White Paper declared that (a) for the period from April 1, 1939 to March 31, 1944 (a period virtually coetaneous with the Holocaust), provided that the economic conditions for Jewish immigration (as determined by the British High Commissioner of Mandatory Palestine after consultations with Jewish and Arab leaders) were favorable, total Jewish immigration to Mandatory Palestine would be permitted up to an aggregate maximum of 75,000 (comprising a maximum of 10,000 immigrants per year for 5 years, totaling 50,000 immigrants, with the conditional addition of 25,000 refugees for the entire five-year period), subject to the additional proviso that Britain would reduce even this paltry annual “legal” Jewish immigration by the number of non-deportable “illegal” Jewish immigrants, and (b) commencing April 1, 1944, absent the prior consent of the Arab leadership of western Mandatory Palestine, any further Jewish immigration thereto would be absolutely prohibited, to wit:
Jewish immigration during the next five years will be at a rate which, if economic absorptive capacity permits, will bring the Jewish population up to approximately one third of the total population of the country. Taking into account the expected natural increase of the Arab and Jewish populations, and the number of illegal Jewish immigrants now in the country, this would allow of the admission, as from the beginning of April this year, of some 75,000 immigrants over the next five years. These immigrants would, subject to the criterion of economic absorptive capacity, be admitted as follows:
For each of the next five years a quota of 10,000 Jewish immigrants will be allowed on the understanding that a shortage one year may be added to the quotas for subsequent years, within the five year period, if economic absorptive capacity permits.
In addition, as a contribution towards the solution of the Jewish refugee problem, 25,000 refugees will be admitted as soon as the High Commissioner is satisfied that adequate provision for their maintenance is ensured, special consideration being given to refugee children and dependents.
The existing machinery for ascertaining economic absorptive capacity will be retained, and the High Commissioner will have the ultimate responsibility for deciding the limits of economic capacity. Before each periodic decision is taken, Jewish and Arab representatives will be consulted.
After the period of five years, no further Jewish immigration will be permitted unless the Arabs of Palestine are prepared to acquiesce in it.
His Majesty's Government are determined to check illegal immigration, and further preventive measures are being adopted. The numbers of any Jewish illegal immigrants who, despite these measures, may succeed in coming into the country and cannot be deported will be deducted from the yearly quotas.
His Majesty's Government are satisfied that, when the immigration over five years which is now contemplated has taken place, they will not be justified in facilitating, nor will they be under any obligation to facilitate, the further development of the Jewish National Home by immigration regardless of the wishes of the Arab population.
(Palestine White Paper, Section II, entitled “Immigration”, paragraphs 5 - 11)
Moreover, the White Paper also declared that, henceforth, even “legal” Jewish residents would be severely restricted in their ability to purchase land in western Mandatory Palestine, to wit:
The Administration of Palestine is required, under Article 6 of the Mandate, "while ensuring that the rights and position of other sections of the population are not prejudiced," to encourage "close settlement by Jews on the land," and no restriction has been imposed hitherto on the transfer of land from Arabs to Jews. The Reports of several expert Commissions have indicated that, owing to the natural growth of the Arab population and the steady sale in recent years of Arab land to Jews, there is now in certain areas no room for further transfers of Arab land, whilst in some other areas such transfers of land must be restricted if Arab cultivators are to maintain their existing standard of life and a considerable landless Arab population is not soon to be created. In these circumstances, the High Commissioner will be given general powers to prohibit and regulate transfers of land. These powers will date from the publication of this statement of policy and the High Commissioner will retain them throughout the transitional period.
(Palestine White Paper, Section III, entitled “Land”, paragraph 1)
In contrast to the Palestine White Paper's restrictions on Jewish immigration and Jewish land purchases, British policy permitted unrestricted Arab immigration to western Mandatory Palestine -- mostly from the surrounding Arab lands which now comprise the modern states of Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Iraq and Egypt -- and placed no restrictions on their ability to acquire land there. For example, the Bedouin Arab tribes presently residing in northern Israel originally came to Mandatory Palestine from Mandatory Syria, while the Bedouin Arab tribes presently residing in southern Israel originally came to Mandatory Palestine from Egypt’s Sinai desert. In order to announce the British government’s new policy in the most unambiguous way possible, the Palestine White Paper bluntly stated:
“. . . and His Majesty's Government therefore now declare unequivocally that it is not part of their policy that Palestine should become a Jewish State. They would indeed regard it as contrary to their obligations to the Arabs under the Mandate, as well as to the assurances which have been given to the Arab people in the past, that the Arab population of Palestine should not be made the subjects of a Jewish State against their will.” (Palestine White Paper, Section I, entitled “The Constitution”, paragraph 2).
Due to the prior Arab rejection of partition in western Mandatory Palestine (as recommended by the Peel Commission Report of 1937, which would have resulted in (1) a huge Arab State, comprising 70% of western Mandatory Palestine and 92.4% of original Mandatory Palestine, and (2) a tiny Jewish State comprising only 20% of western Mandatory Palestine and only 4.4% of original Mandatory Palestine), Britain was now left with a choice between facilitating and preventing the emergence of a Jewish State -- however miniscule -- in that territory. After considering its global geostrategic interests, Britain chose the latter course, thereby condoning and rewarding Arab intransigence and hatred of Jews. In order to ensure that its strategic choice would actually result in the creation of an Arab State, it was necessary for Britain to implement draconian restrictions on both Jewish immigration to, and Jewish land purchases in, western Mandatory Palestine.
In addition to the British policy of responding to Arab terrorism by restricting further Jewish land purchases and by instituting a graduated ban on Jewish immigration, the Mandatory authorities, in a further effort to appease the hostile Arab population, and at the behest of the local Muslim religious authorities, also humiliated the Jewish population by hobbling the latter’s prayer services at the Western Wall of Jerusalem’s Temple Mount by means of such measures as prohibiting the use of chairs and benches for worshippers’ comfort, prohibiting the use of even a portable mechitza (the prayer partition placed between the genders, as required by Jewish tradition), prohibiting “loud” public prayer, and prohibiting the blowing of the shofar (the ram’s horn) during Rosh HaShana (as required by the Torah) and at the end of Yom Kippur services (as required by Jewish tradition).
Meanwhile, commencing in 1940, Vichy France (as Occupier of Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia) and fascist Italy (as Occupier of Libya), both of which were allied with Nazi Germany during the War, began -- with the indispensable cooperation of local Arab officials and supportive Arab populations -- to systematically strip the Jews of North Africa of their civil rights, livelihoods, assets, and access to public facilities and services (paralleling the dehumanization process which was already well underway in Nazi Germany as well as in those European countries under Nazi occupation or hegemony). However, due to delaying tactics employed by Vichy France’s Governor of Tunisia, this process of dehumanization was not fully implemented in that country until it was occupied by Nazi Germany in 1942. Ultimately, more than 13,000 North African Jews were sent to myriad slave labor camps scattered throughout Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia and Libya, staffed by Occupation officials and local Arabs, where thousands died of disease and starvation, while others were murdered by camp guards. Moreover, hundreds of Tunisian and Libyan Jews were deported to European slave labor camps. By December 1942, most of North Africa had been conquered by invading Anglo-American forces. Incredibly, the United States (at the direction of President Franklin Roosevelt) chose to leave captured Antisemitic Vichy officials, such as François Darlan and Marcel Peyrouton, in charge of the liberated portions of North Africa. With U.S. knowledge and consent, these former Vichy officials continued to keep North African Jews in slave labor camps on starvation rations. This outraged continued until (due to U.S. media condemnations and protests by U.S. Jewish organizations) the U.S. (at the direction of President Franklin Roosevelt) effected the official closure of the camps in April 1943 (although some camps continued to operate into the summer months). However, despite the months-long continuation of Nazi policies by the U.S. in liberated North Africa, it is nonetheless undoubtedly true that only the Anglo-American invasion of North Africa, resulting in the capture and defection of Vichy forces and the decimation of the Italo-German army, the survivors of whom finally surrendered to Allied forces in May 1943, saved North Africa’s Jewish populations, at large, from eventually joining their European brethren as wholesale victims of the Holocaust.
And, while the Holocaust decimated the Jewish populations of Christian-dominated Europe and extended its destructive reach to the Jewish populations of Muslim-dominated North Africa, Britain -- in abject contravention of the dictates of Morality and every fiduciary obligation to the Jewish people imposed upon it by the Mandate for Palestine -- ruthlessly implemented its illegal White Paper, this despite the fact that the Council of the League of Nations (whose consent was necessary for any proposed modification to the Mandate, per Article 27 thereof) had refused to approve it. In furtherance thereof, Britain barred tens of thousands of Jewish refugees from the gates of Mandatory Palestine; and it forced them, at the point of a gun, to return to those very lands where only annihilation awaited them. An infamous example of Britain's Arab-compliant crusade against Holocaust-era Jewish immigration is represented by the Struma Affair which unfolded during Nazi Germany's January 1942 Wannsee Conference. This meeting of the Nazi leadership was convened by Hitler in order to determine and implement the final tactical mechanisms for the planned annihilation of the Jewish people in response to the very public collective refusal of virtually all of the World's other nations, including the United States (at the direction of President Franklin Roosevelt), during the 1938 Evian Conference to accept significant Jewish immigration from the territories then controlled by Nazi Germany. On the December 12, 1941, the “MV Struma”, a 96 square meter and 100 year old barge, packed with almost 800 Jewish refugees, including over 100 infants and other children, fled Romania for Mandatory Palestine, stopping en route at Istanbul, Turkey on December 15, 1941. Britain, promptly responding to “Palestinian” Arab pressure, not only publicly declared that the Struma would be barred from entering the waters of Mandatory Palestine, but it also persuaded Turkey to prohibit the Struma's passengers from disembarking at Istanbul, the result being that the barge was eventually towed out to sea without fuel, heating equipment, food or potable water on February 23, 1942. The next day (February 24, 1942), the Struma was destroyed by a torpedo; only one person survived.
It is indeed ironic that from August 1933 (shortly after Hitler’s appointment as Chancellor of Germany) until September 1939 (when Germany invaded Poland, thereby triggering World War II), while Britain increasingly obstructed Jewish immigration to Mandatory Palestine, Nazi officials worked closely with Zionist representatives, per the arrangement known as the “Transfer Agreement”, in order to assist the Nazis’ unwanted Jewish populations in obtaining entry permits to Mandatory Palestine. Although it may seem counterintuitive, this brief collaboration took place because Nazis and Zionists -- although the former were motivated by Hatred, while the latter were motivated by Love -- nonetheless shared complimentary goals, namely: the Nazis sought to completely rid themselves of their Jewish populations, but lacked destination countries willing to accept them; and the Zionists, fearing for the safety of these Jewish populations if they remained under Nazi rule, sought to relocate them to Mandatory Palestine. Due to the Transfer Agreement, approximately 80,000 Jews were able to emigrate from Nazi Germany, Austria and Czechoslovakia to Mandatory Palestine, thereby saving themselves from the approaching Holocaust. It should be noted that, during this same period, Nazi officials also worked closely with anti-Zionist Jewish organizations in order to locate other destination countries willing to accept Jews.
However, it is even more ironic that Britain, which was required by international law to facilitate Jewish immigration to the Land of Israel, instead earned the distinction of being the only ruler of the Land to have ever prohibited Jews from gaining entry to any portion thereof.
Britain’s illegal policy regarding the entry of Jews to Mandatory Palestine during the Holocaust was bluntly articulated in a letter dated March 4, 1943 from British Minister to the United States Ronald Campbell to World Zionist Organization President Chaim Weizmann concerning a proposal to permit approximately 70,000 of Romania’s endangered Jews to flee to Mandatory Palestine, as follows:
“His Majesty's Government has no evidence to show whether the Romanian proposal was meant to be taken seriously. But if it was, it was already a piece of blackmail which, if successful, would open up the endless prospect on the part of Germany and her satellites in southeastern Europe of unloading, at a given price, all their unwanted multitudes on overseas countries.”
So it was that, due to the maleficence of Britain, the internationally-sanctioned Jewish national homeland was illegally closed to Jewish immigration during the Jewish people's time of greatest need for sanctuary. And even after Nazi Germany was defeated in 1945 and the enormity of its crimes against the Jewish people was publicly revealed, Britain continued to illegally interdict and intern in primitive detention camps (most of them situated in British-occupied Cyprus) tens of thousands of Holocaust survivors attempting to enter the western portion of Mandatory Palestine. Yet, tens of thousands of other Holocaust survivors, with the assistance of the “illegal” Jewish militia known as Hagana (Defense), precursor to the Israel Defense Forces, managed to circumvent the barricades of British Mandatory authorities.
By the end of 1943, it had become clear that Nazi Germany would eventually be vanquished, but not before millions more Jews would be annihilated as part of its death throes. It had also become clear that Britain, by violating its fiduciary obligations under the Mandate For Palestine and by acting instead as if Mandatory Palestine belonged to Britain, had long-transformed itself from Trustee of Mandatory Palestine into Occupier thereof. Consequently, on February 1, 1944, as the White Paper’s Jewish immigration debarment date (March 31, 1944) approached, the “illegal” Jewish militia known as Irgun Tzva’i Leumi (National Military Organization) formally declared War against the British Occupation of Mandatory Palestine. Predictably, the militia’s asymmetrical war against the Mandatory government had severe consequences for Mandatory Palestine’s civilian Jewish population, as the Mandatory government often retaliated by, inter alia, imposing lengthy curfews on Jewish-populated urban areas; and individual British policemen and British soldiers frequently retaliated by assaulting and sometimes murdering Jewish civilians. Nonetheless, by attacking the instruments of British civil authority over the next 3 years, such as immigration control, tax collection, intelligence and police facilities, and -- after the termination of World War II -- British military forces and assets, via bombs and frontal assaults, and by executing captured British soldiers in retaliation for the execution of captured Jewish fighters, the Irgun militia eventually convinced Britain that its Occupation of Mandatory Palestine had become untenable.
On April 18, 1946, in the aftermath of World War II, the League of Nations dissolved itself and thereupon transferred all of its assets to the United Nations, its newly-created successor. In February 1947, Britain -- having found itself mired in the midst of a violent Jewish revolt brought about by the repeated betrayal of its Mandatory responsibilities towards the Jewish people -- publicly announced its intentions to (a) completely evacuate its military and administrative personnel from western Mandatory Palestine in phases over the next 18 months (i.e., by August 1948) and (b) submit a formal request to the U.N. that the latter organization assume responsibility for deciding the future of western Mandatory Palestine (which request was subsequently submitted to the U.N. in April 1947). By declaring that it would unilaterally withdraw from western Mandatory Palestine on or before a predetermined deadline, Britain had thereby announced its prospective resignation -- effective on the date of its departure -- as the Trustee of the Trust known as the Mandate for Palestine.
Although Britain’s prospective resignation as Trustee would automatically terminate any remnant of its international authority to further administer the Mandate as of the date of its departure (which Britain eventually determined would be May 15, 1948), its resignation would not -- and could not -- legally terminate the Trust which comprised the Mandate (which is the very reason why, approximately 10 months after Britain’s resignation announcement, the U.N. General Assembly itself sought to terminate the Mandate). However, as of its effective date (i.e., its departure date of May 15, 1948), Britain’s resignation as Mandatory Trustee would nonetheless render western Mandatory Palestine without any internationally-approved administrative authority.
This crisis resulted in the passage of United Nations General Assembly Resolution no. 181 (II) of November 29, 1947 (document no. A/RES/181(II), entitled “Future government of Palestine”), commonly known as the “Palestine Partition Plan”, which called for the termination of the Mandate for Palestine upon Britain’s departure (in Part I, Section A, paragraph 1 thereof, to wit: “1. The Mandate for Palestine shall terminate as soon as possible but in any case not later than 1 August 1948.”) and for the division of its remaining territory -- namely, the western portion thereof, consisting of approximately 22% of original Mandatory Palestine -- into three separate entities: (1) an independent Jewish State (comprised of 3 small barely-adjoined cantons, constituting approximately 12% of original Mandatory Palestine and approximately 53% of western Mandatory Palestine, approximately 60% of which was desert), (2) an independent Arab state (comprised of Judea, Samaria, and Gaza, as well as significant portions of what would later comprise Israel proper, constituting approximately 10% of original Mandatory Palestine and approximately 43% of western Mandatory Palestine, the vast majority of which was arable land), and (3) a U.N.-administered Special International Regime comprised of Jerusalem and certain of its environs (including Bethlehem), constituting less than 1% of original Mandatory Palestine and approximately 4% of western Mandatory Palestine all of which would, however, be joined together in a supranational economic union.
Although, under the Charter of the United Nations of June 26, 1945 (per Chapter IV thereof, entitled “The General Assembly”, comprising Articles 10 through 22 thereof), General Assembly resolutions merely constitute the informed recommendations of the international community (and are, consequently, not legally binding upon the parties to any dispute), and although this Resolution actually violated international law, namely, Article 5 of the Mandate for Palestine (which Mandate provision forbade ceding any portion of the territory of the Jewish National Home to a foreign Power, and which Mandate provision was made binding upon the United Nations per Article 80 of the U.N. Charter, as will be discussed elsewhere herein), the Jewish leadership of the cis-Jordania portion of Mandatory Palestine nevertheless accepted this nonbinding and transgressive Resolution, subject, of course, to the Resolution's acceptance, as well, by the Arab leadership thereof.
In legal terminology, the Jewish leadership of the western portion of Mandatory Palestine offered to enter into an interdependent bilateral contract with the Arab leadership thereof, pursuant to the provisions of the Palestine Partition Plan, for the peaceful division of the western portion of Mandatory Palestine into a Jewish state, an Arab state and an internationalized greater Jerusalem.
However, despite the fact that the Resolution’s implementation would have carved out from original Mandatory Palestine a second Arab state after Transjordan, the Arab leadership -- both Muslim and Christian -- of the cis-Jordania portion of Mandatory Palestine, as well as the leadership of Transjordan and all of the Arab and (non-Arab) Muslim countries which were then members of the U.N. (namely, Afghanistan, Egypt, Iran, Iraq, Lebanon, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Turkey and Yemen), as well as the Arab League, rejected the Resolution by both declaration and conduct.
In fact, approximately 6 weeks prior to the passage of the Resolution, Abdul Rahman Hassan Azzam (more commonly known as Azzam Pasha), Secretary-General of the Arab League, had infamously issued the following genocidal threat to the Jewish residents of Mandatory Palestine in order to bluntly apprise them of the practical consequences of continuing to seek the reestablishment of a Jewish nation-state in the biblical Land of Israel:
“Personally, I hope that the Jews do not force us into this War, because it would be a War of Extermination and a momentous massacre, which will be spoken about like the Mongolian massacres and the Crusades.” (excerpt from an interview of Azzam Pasha in the Egyptian newspaper “Akbar al-Youm”, in an article entitled “A War of Extermination”, published on October 11, 1947)
Not surprisingly, Britain, which -- despite the annihilation wreaked by the Holocaust upon the Jewish people -- had long-devolved from being a proponent to being an opponent of Jewish settlement and self-determination in the biblical Land of Israel, initially opposed and thereafter refused to vote in favor of the Resolution; rather, it abstained.
Immediately after the Palestine Partition Plan’s passage on November 29, 1947, as a result of their rejection of any Jewish sovereignty in any portion of Mandatory Palestine, local Arab militias drawn from Arab population centers throughout the biblical Land of Israel, as well as -- commencing in January 1948 -- hundreds of foreign Arabs and (non-Arab) Muslims who began to infiltrate the Land as part of the “Arab Liberation Army” created by the Arab League and commanded by ethnic Turk and Libyan national Fawzi el-Kaukji, commenced a sustained jihad against the Jewish communities there with little interference -- and, sometimes, even with overt assistance -- from Britain, representing an exponential increase in the anti-Jewish violence that had periodically swept through the Land since the advent of the Mandate in 1920. In fact, from November 30, 1947 through March 31, 1948, almost 1,000 Jews were murdered by Arab militias who attacked isolated Jewish villages and Jewish neighborhoods of mixed cities, as well as Jewish cars and buses travelling on the highways, regardless of whether they were situated outside or inside of the Palestine Partition Plan lines. One example of British partisanship, as reported in the December 28, 1947 edition of the “Palestine Post” newspaper (now known as the “Jerusalem Post”), involved an attack by local Arabs against a Jewish convoy travelling through the Negev Desert. After observing the battle for three hours, during which several Jews were killed, British police finally intervened, arresting 40 of the Jewish defenders, and permitting all of the Arab attackers to return to their respective villages.
Furthermore, in February 1948, in an effort to isolate and starve the Jewish neighborhoods of Jerusalem, the Arabs instituted a blockade of the Tel Aviv – Jerusalem highway. As Jerusalem was completed encircled by Arab-controlled territory, this blockade severed the only transportation corridor between the Jewish neighborhoods of Jerusalem, comprising more than 100,000 Jews (who then constituted more than 60% of Jerusalem’s population), and the Jewish-populated areas of the Mediterranean Sea coastal plain. Moreover, in what can only be described as a siege within a siege, the 2,000 Jews residing in the Jewish neighborhoods of the eastern portion of Jerusalem (including the Jewish Quarter of the Old City of Jerusalem) were encircled and blockaded by the Arabs of the eastern portion of Jerusalem, so that the Jewish neighborhoods of the eastern portion of Jerusalem were severed from the Jewish neighborhoods of the western portion of Jerusalem. The result of these concentric starvation sieges was that, although Jewish convoys from the Coastal Plain were eventually successful in circumventing and then defeating the Arab siege against the Jewish neighborhoods of western Jerusalem (i.e., the outer siege), they were ultimately unsuccessful in breaking the Arab siege against the Jewish neighborhoods of eastern Jerusalem (i.e., the inner siege).
In the context of the Arab-Nazi connection, it is telling that many of the terrorists who were recruited to Mandatory Palestine by the Arab Liberation Army were demobilized Muslim Nazi soldiers from Bosnia and Kosovo. Moreover, el-Kaukji, the leader of the Arab Liberation Army, had been a participant in both the Nazi-financed Arab jihad in Mandatory Palestine of 1936 - 1939 and the Arab Nazi coup in Iraq of 1941, after which he took refuge in Nazi Germany for the duration of World War II.
In its report of February 16, 1948 to the United Nations Security Council, the United Nations Palestine Commission expressed its frustration over the forceful Arab rejection of the Palestine Partition Plan. The report, entitled “First Special Report to the Security Council: The Problem of Security in Palestine”, no. A/AC.21/9, declared (in its section entitled “Main Considerations” at subparagraph I 3 C thereof) that:
“Powerful Arab interests, both inside and outside Palestine, are defying the resolution of the General Assembly and are engaged in a deliberate effort to alter by force the settlement envisaged therein.”
On March 19, 1948, in reaction to the raging Arab jihad, and mindful of worldwide Arab anger over the United States vote in favor of Partition, the United States Mission to the United Nations, at the direction of the United States Department of State (purportedly without the authorization of President Harry Truman), withdrew U.S. support for the Palestine Partition Plan. As an alternative to Partition, the United States proposed that the creation of a Jewish State be indefinitely postponed and that all of western Mandatory Palestine be placed under a United Nations trusteeship (per Chapter XII of the United Nations Charter), which would be buttressed by the presence of international peacekeeping forces, including units of the Egyptian army. The United Nations Special Committee on Palestine adopted the proposal and recommended it to the United Nations Security Council. This alternative proposal represented a complete repudiation of the Mandate for Palestine, and thereby constituted the potential death knell for any realization of the internationally-authorized Jewish National Home. The Arabs, however, were confident that they could prevent the creation of a Jewish State by force -- either presently via the current jihad being waged by “Palestinian” Arab militias and the Arab Liberation Army or, failing that, in several months’ time when the impending withdrawal of British Mandatory forces would pave the way for a pan-Arab invasion in aid of the current jihad. In light of their belief that they were easily able to conquer and occupy all of western Mandatory Palestine by themselves, there was no reason for them to accept United Nations control over any portion of the Land. Consequently, the Arabs rejected this alternative proposal. Of course, the Jewish leadership of the cis-Jordania portion of Mandatory Palestine rejected it as well; and it so informed the United States and the United Nations.
Finally, in early April 1948 -- in response to the ongoing Arab atrocities and in response to British indifference thereto and, at times, even British hostility to the plight of the victimized Jewish population -- the Hagana militia began to change its strategy from purely defensive actions to offensive operations, with the result that it began to counterattack and to capture hostile Arab cities and villages as well as hostile Arab neighborhoods of mixed cities. Eventually, more than 400 Arab villages were razed to the ground, and some mixed cities (such as Tiberias and Safed) became all-Jewish cities, while other mixed cities (such as Haifa) and some all-Arab cities (such as Jaffa, Lod, Ramle and Acre) became Jewish-majority cities. For example, in early April 1948, the Arab residents of Tiberias -- a town situated on the western shore of Lake Kinneret (Sea of Galilee), well within the Palestine Partition Plan’s recommended boundaries for the proposed Jewish State -- launched a frontal assault against the Jewish neighborhoods thereof. Within days, the British Mandatory authorities demanded that the entire Jewish population of Tiberias remove itself therefrom, or be prepared to suffer British shelling in support of the Arab onslaught. Ignoring the British ultimatum, the Jewish defenders, with substantial assistance from the Hagana militia, successfully counterattacked, thereby causing -- instead -- the exodus, under British military protection, of the entire Arab population from the City.
Moreover, in late April 1948, in response to the incessant and indiscriminate Arab sniper fire from Jaffa into adjacent Tel Aviv that had been perpetrated since the issuance of the U.N.’s Palestine Partition Plan (thereby rending normal life in southern Tel Aviv impossible), the Irgun militia counterattacked Jaffa with the objective of conquering and disarming it. During the three-day battle, the British army -- which had made no prior effort to arrest or even disarm Jaffa’s snipers -- supported the Arab city by directing British tank and mortar fire against the Jewish forces in an unsuccessful attempt to thwart the latter’s counterattack.
The Hadassah Hospital convoy massacre represents another example of British failure to protect the Jewish population from the Arab onslaught. In mid-April 1948, after having been assured by British Mandatory authorities that the British army had cleared the Tel Aviv – Jerusalem highway of hostile forces, a 106-person convoy of Jewish doctors, nurses, students and patients traveling to Hadassah Hospital on Mount Scopus in Jerusalem was ambushed by local Arab militias without any intervention by British forces. Only 28 Jews survived the massacre.
The blatant hostility of British military forces towards the Jewish communities of western Mandatory Palestine is hardly surprising in light of the Antisemitism exhibited by the supreme commander of British military forces in (both western and eastern) Mandatory Palestine -- General Evelyn Barker. In an April 1947 letter to his mistress Katy Antonius (whose late husband, George Antonius, had been the administrative assistant to Nazi collaborator Haj Amin al-Husseini), Barker declared concerning the Jewish people:
“Yes, I loathe the lot – whether they be Zionists or not. Why should we be afraid of saying we hate them? It’s time this damned race knew what we think of them – loathsome people.”
Just before the onset of the Sabbath on Friday evening May 14, 1948, as British occupation forces were completing their withdrawal from the cis-Jordania portion of Mandatory Palestine, and as Arabs continued to attack Jewish-populated areas both outside and inside the Palestine Partition Plan lines, in defiance of strong opposition from the United States (at the direction of President Harry Truman) which had been pressuring the Jewish leadership of western Mandatory Palestine to indefinitely postpone Jewish statehood, the Jewish leadership announced the creation of the State of Israel, effective as of midnight May 15, 1948 Israel Time (which was 5:00 pm May 14, 1948 Eastern Standard Time) bounded by the U.N.-recommended Palestine Partition Plan lines -- within which boundaries Jews then constituted approximately 58% of the population -- declaring, in part:
“The State of Israel is prepared to cooperate with the agencies and representatives of the United Nations in implementing the resolution of the General Assembly of the 29th of November, 1947; and it will take steps to bring about the economic union of the whole of the Land of Israel” (Declaration of the Establishment of the State of Israel, Paragraph 14).
On the same day, due to a raging internal debate over the geopolitical wisdom of establishing diplomatic relations with a State that was not expected to survive more than a few days, and despite its prior opposition to immediate Jewish statehood, the United States (at the direction of President Harry Truman) hedged its bets by proclaiming only its de facto recognition of the State of Israel (meaning, that the U.S. recognized only Israel’s tentative and provisional control over territory and population). This diplomatic mechanism was employed, so that if Israel were to be annihilated, then the U.S. would be able to credibly assert to the Arab and larger Muslim Worlds that, by withholding its de jure recognition from Israel, it had refused to bestow its official imprimatur on Jewish statehood. The extension, however cynical, of de facto recognition was nonetheless significant, as the U.S. was the first country to accord Israel any form of diplomatic recognition. The U.S. did not extend its de jure recognition to Israel until January 31, 1949, when it was indisputable that Israel had survived the pan-Arab attempt to annihilate it. In contrast, the Soviet Union (a 15-province empire formally known as the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, commonly referred to as the U.S.S.R., whose dominant component was Russia, now formally known as the Russian Federation) had extended its de jure recognition to Israel much earlier -- on May 17, 1948 -- the first country to do so.
For Britain, its prior abstention on the Palestine Partition Plan was deemed insufficient to secure its geostrategic and economic interests in the Middle East. Consequently, months before its departure from the western portion of Mandatory Palestine, British intelligence officers and diplomats had embarked upon a covert campaign to convince the Arab countries surrounding Israel to mount a coordinated invasion of the Jewish State, with promises of British military and logistical aid for the effort.
As anticipated, on May 15, 1948, the local “Palestinian” Arab militias and foreign infiltrators who had been conducting a jihad against the Jewish communities in the western portion of Mandatory Palestine since the issuance of the Palestine Partition Plan were joined by the invading armies of seven Arab countries (namely, Lebanon, Syria, Transjordan, Egypt, Iraq, Saudi Arabia and Yemen), which aggregation of forces attempted to annihilate the Jewish State within its nonviable Palestine Partition Plan lines in hopes of illegally nullifying the internationally-sanctioned Mandatory enterprise.
In light of the foregoing history, it is indisputable that the “Palestinian” Arabs and their external allies, in addition to being accomplices to the Holocaust, sought to complete in the Land of Israel the very annihilation that Nazi Germany had commenced in Europe and North Africa.
Many of the Transjordanian and Egyptian forces which attacked the renascent Jewish State were trained and led by British officers. For example, during its invasion of Israel, the Transjordanian army was led Lieutenant-General John Bagot Glubb (commonly known as “Glubb Pasha”). Due to this British assistance, the Egyptian air force was able to bomb Tel Aviv and other Jewish cities during War. Moreover, Britain attempted to advantage its Arab allies by turning over British forts to them even prior to the pan-Arab invasion of Israel. For example, on May 12, 1948, Mandatory authorities turned over the British police fort in the Arab-populated town of Iraq Suwaydan (located east of Ashkelon) to the Egyptian army. In addition, while Britain -- a close ally of the United States -- had immediately imposed an arms embargo against Israel, it freely provided Iraq, Transjordan and Egypt with the military equipment and supplies that these countries required in order to prosecute their portion of the War of Annihilation against Israel.
However, the United States (at the direction of President Harry Truman), disingenuously declaring itself to be “neutral”, imposed an arms embargo against all countries participating in the War, including, of course, the country being targeted for annihilation -- Israel. The refusal of the U.S. to provide Israel with any military equipment to withstand the pan-Arab onslaught, together with its prior withdrawal of support for the Palestine Partition Plan and its refusal to extend de jure diplomatic recognition to the Jewish State, was intended to preserve U.S. geostrategic interests in the Arab World in the event that Israel was annihilated. In this event, the U.S. would be able to dismiss its former extension of de facto diplomatic recognition to Israel as necessitated by U.S. domestic politics rather than as motivated by any genuine support for the resurrection of a Jewish commonwealth within the midst of the Arab World.
Meanwhile, in June 1948, shortly after the commencement of Israel’s War of Independence, the Soviet Union (whose forces, since the end of World War II, had been occupying the eastern zone of defeated Nazi Germany, except for the western portion of the City of Berlin, then known as “West Berlin”, which was connected to the American-British-French-occupied western zone of Germany by a single highway traversing the Soviet-occupied eastern zone of Germany) commenced a blockade of the one highway that led to encircled West Berlin, which had been the western half of the unrepentant capital of Nazi Germany a scant three years earlier. In a bitter revelation of priorities unsullied by Morality or Irony, the “neutral” United States (at the direction of President Harry Truman) -- which had earlier refused to take any action whatsoever to aid Israel in breaking the Arab blockade of the Tel Aviv – Jerusalem highway which had, only five months earlier, effected a starvation siege against the encircled Jewish-populated neighborhoods of Jerusalem -- nonetheless promptly spearheaded a massive airlift, lasting almost a year (from the end of June 1948 to mid-May 1949) and costing the lives of 31 American pilots, to protect the relative freedom and prosperity of the former Nazi citizens of West Berlin (who, unlike the Jews of Jerusalem, were not in danger of being annihilated if they were to be conquered by their enemies).
As a result of their respective participations in the invasion of the Jewish National Home, Iraq captured Samaria (which it turned over to Transjordan), and Transjordan captured Judea and the eastern portion of Jerusalem (including the Old City thereof which hosts the Temple Mount, site of the Jewish people’s two biblical Temples, and the Temple Mount’s Western Wall), while Egypt captured Gaza. Yet, in the process of repelling this pan-Arab onslaught, Israel (with a population of only 650,000 Jews, approximately half of them Holocaust survivors), whose military forces were augmented by some 3,500 foreign volunteers (comprised of both Jews and Christians from 43 countries), was able to expand itself beyond its Palestine Partition Plan lines, thereby increasing its sovereignty over original Mandatory Palestine from approximately 12% thereof to approximately 17% thereof -- and its sovereignty over western Mandatory Palestine from approximately 53% thereof to approximately 77% thereof. Israel also captured portions of southern Lebanon (until the Litani River) and northeastern Sinai (in the vicinity of Gaza); but it later withdrew from these areas as a result of international pressure (including Britain’s threat to militarily intervene on behalf of Egypt) and the prospect of cease-fire negotiations with its Arab adversaries.
In legal terminology, the Arab leadership of the cis-Jordania portion of Mandatory Palestine (with the substantial assistance of their many allies, including Britain) repudiated the existence of any implied contract with the Jewish leadership thereof for the peaceful division between themselves of the Jewish National Home, thereby absolving the Jewish leadership from any further legal obligation to comply with the repudiated Palestine Partition Plan.
Consequently, since the repudiated Palestine Partition Plan was never implemented, the preexisting rights granted to the Jewish people by the Mandate for Palestine were not legally terminated by the Palestine Partition Plan. However, the earlier creation by Britain, as Mandatory, of the Hashemite Kingdom of Transjordan in 1946 (pursuant to the implicit authority of Article 25 of the Mandate) and the subsequent establishment, by the resident Jewish population thereof, of the State of Israel in 1948 (pursuant to the raison d’être of the Mandate) did legally remove those newly-independent areas from the Mandate's ambit, thereafter leaving only the districts of Judea, Samaria, the eastern portion of Jerusalem and Gaza, then illegally-occupied by Transjordan and Egypt (as well as the Golan Heights, then illegally-occupied by Syria) still legally subject to the preexisting rights granted to the Jewish people by the Mandate.
Unsurprisingly, although Jordan’s subsequent annexation of Judea, Samaria and the eastern portion of Jerusalem in 1950 was recognized only by two States (i.e., Britain and Iraq), neither the United Nations nor any State threatened sanctions against Jordan for that illegal act.
However, despite the fact that Israel’s territorial gains in its War of Independence constituted Israel’s lawful reacquisition of historically-Jewish territory, which were allocated to the Jewish people via the League of Nations’ Mandate for Palestine, the international community (including the United States at the direction of President Harry Truman) labeled all of this reacquired Jewish territory, including the western portion of Jerusalem, as “occupied territory” from which Israel was required to withdraw -- without demanding that either Egypt or Jordan withdraw from any of the territory that they had occupied in the same War. However, Israel rejected allegations that it was illegally occupying such reacquired places in the Land of Israel as the western portion of Jerusalem, the Upper Galilee region, Nahariya, Acre, Nazareth, Jaffa, Ramle, (the site of biblical) Ashdod, (the site of biblical) Ashkelon and Beersheba; and it refused to withdraw from these places or from any other reacquired territory situated between the U.N. Partition Plan lines of 1947 and what would become Israel’s armistice demarcation lines of 1949. Eventually, in a belated concession to the indisputable fact that pan-Arab (including “Palestinian” Arab) rejection of the Palestine Partition Plan had freed Israel from any legal obligation to respect its non-viable Partition Plan boundaries, the international community ceased asserting that Israel must withdraw to those boundaries. Consequently, the territory reacquired by Israel in its War of Independence, except for the western portion of Jerusalem, became an internationally-undisputed part of Israel proper (i.e., Israel within its former 1949 armistice demarcation lines).
From the issuance of the Palestine Partition Plan through the execution of the armistice agreements that ended Israel’s War of Independence, approximately 600,000 Arabs, constituting approximately 80% of the mostly-hostile Arab population residing upon the lands which would become Israel proper, departed therefrom. This Arab departure occurred for three reasons, in descending order of effect upon the Arab population:
(a) Arab Greed, i.e., the voluntary, strategic departure by Arabs spurred by the frequent public exhortations from Arab leaders that victory over the Jews would be swift, and that the subsequent repatriation of the departing Arabs to “Palestine” and the consequent Arab seizure of Jewish lands, buildings, businesses, money and other assets were assured; and
(b) Arab Fear, i.e., the panicked flight by Arabs spurred by a mistaken belief that the Jews would massacre Arabs in revenge for (1) the Arabs’ serial massacres of Jews during the prior decades and (2) the Arabs’ present attempt to annihilate the Jewish communities of the Land; and
(c) Arab Belligerence, i.e., the expulsion of hostile Arab communities as a result of their participation in the attempt to annihilate the Jewish communities of the Land.
However, the remaining 150,000 Arabs residing within the State of Israel (who, while generally hostile to the creation of the Jewish State, did not actively participate in the War to destroy it) were not only permitted to remain within the State but were (despite their hostility to the Jewish State) granted full citizenship rights therein, including national voting rights, in addition to which they were granted a collective exemption from compulsory military service therein.
The fact that Israel permitted such a large number of Arabs to remain and to become citizens negates the claim that the departure of most of the Arab population constituted ethnic cleansing rather than the exodus of hostile forces. For, nothing prevented Israel -- had it so desired -- from removing 100% of its Arab population during that chaotic era.
Moreover, the fact that the Arab population of Israel proper has increased more than ten times since 1949 also proves that Israel is not ethnically cleansing -- let alone perpetuating genocide against -- its Arab citizens.
Nevertheless, despite the benefits conferred upon them by virtue of their citizenship in a liberal democracy, a large portion of Israel’s Arab citizenry (representing the irredentist rump of a defeated supranational enemy) together with the “Palestinian” Arab diaspora, has chosen to annually observe May 15, not as “Yom HaAtzma’ut” (meaning: “The Day of Independence”, although, due to differences between the Gregorian and Hebrew calendars, Israel’s annual celebration of its Independence coincides with May 15 only occasionally), but rather as “Youm een-Nakba” (meaning: “The Day of Catastrophe”, which the Arabs of Israel, as well as the Arabs of the “Palestinian” Arab diaspora, actually observe twice each year: officially on May 15, being the Gregorian calendar date upon which Israel became an independent State and unofficially on 5 Iyar, being the Hebrew calendar date upon which Israel annually celebrates its Independence). By annually mourning the pan-Arab failure to annihilate Israel in 1948, the Arabs declare themselves kindred to those revanchist and irredentist Germans who annually mourn genocidal Nazi Germany’s defeat in 1945. Moreover, although Arab spokesmen (whether residents of Israel proper or of the Jewish territories governed, respectively, by the Palestinian Authority and Hamas), in addressing a Western audience, habitually assert that their annual commemoration of the “Nakba” is not intended either to mourn their historic failure to destroy the State of Israel on the day of its rebirth or to sustain their dream of destroying it in the future, but only to mourn the displacement of “Palestinians” from territory that became the State of Israel in 1948, the very choice of its official commemoration date refutes this assertion. As the earliest “Palestinian” displacement purportedly occurred in February 1948, and as the latest “Palestinian” displacement purportedly occurred in March 1949, this raises the obvious question as to why the official “Nakba” commemoration date represents the middle, rather than the beginning or the end, of this displacement period. Moreover, if the purpose of the annual Nakba commemoration is actually to mourn the displacement of “Palestinians” during this period, then the obvious mid-period date for the commemoration would have been April 9, because the destruction of the hostile Arab village of Deir Yassin, together with false allegations of rape and massacre perpetrated by Jewish forces, transpired on this date in 1948, prompting panicked, pivotal and accelerated large-scale Arab flight from Israel. Yet despite the cruciality of Deir Yassin to the displacement of “Palestinians” during this period, the “Palestinian” leadership did not choose the date of its destruction (i.e., April 9) to commemorate the “Nakba”. Instead, it chose May 15, despite the fact that, with respect to the displacement of “Palestinians” during this period, nothing noteworthy happened on May 15, 1948. However, with respect to the exercise of the self-determination of the Jewish people, two noteworthy events happened on that very date, the first being Israel’s official reemergence as the nation-state of the Jewish people, and the second being the pan-Arab invasion of Israel, with the stated objective of annihilating it. For the “Palestinians”, the choice of May 15 to officially commemorate their self-inflicted “Nakba” (and, whenever Israel celebrates its Independence on a different date, the choice of that additional date to unofficially commemorate their self-inflicted “Nakba”) has nothing to do with mourning their displacement during this period and everything to do with mourning the resurrection of the Jewish nation-state as well as the failure of their (and their external allies’) first attempt to destroy that State. Alternatively stated, by holding well-publicized “Nakba” observances, not only on May 15, but also on any different date upon which Israel celebrates its Independence, the “Palestinians” seek to delegitimize Israel’s existence ab initio. Moreover, it seems that the existence of a “Nakba Day” is actually superfluous -- or, at least, overkill -- in light of the U.N.-sponsored “International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People” (observed annually on November 29, in lamentation over the issuance of the U.N.'s Palestine Partition Plan on that very date in 1947, and in sympathetic commemoration of the rejection by the recognized leadership of the Arabs of Mandatory Palestine of the Plan's recommendation for the creation of a Jewish State alongside an Arab State therein), which annual solidarity-fest already serves as a reliable and well-funded international vehicle for bemoaning the “Nakba” that befell the “Palestinian” Arabs when the Jewish nation-state was reestablished in the biblical Land of Israel. It is lamentable, but unsurprising, that the international community (including the Arab World) refuses to acknowledge that, but for the Arab attempt to annihilate the Jewish communities of the Land of Israel (both before and after Israel’s reestablishment), there would have been no War of Independence, no large-scale departure of Arabs from Israel and no destruction of their villages; in sum, there would have been no “Nakba” (self-inflicted or otherwise).
Conversely, in the Jewish State’s successful effort to survive this first pan-Arab onslaught, the resident Druze (descendants of Egyptian Arabs who deviated from the Shiite branch of Islam approximately 1,000 years ago), the resident Circassians (a non-Arab ethnic group originating from Circassia, located in the northwestern region of the Caucasus Mountains of modern Russia, who follow the Sunni branch of Islam), and a small number of resident Arabs (mostly Bedouins, who follow the Sunni branch of Islam) openly allied themselves with the resident Jews thereof, with the result that the Druze citizens and the Circassian citizens of the State of Israel were made subject to the same compulsory military service as were the Jewish citizens thereof, while the Bedouins were accepted into military service on a volunteer basis.
Both prior to and in the aftermath of their unsuccessful effort to destroy Israel, the Arab states eventually expelled more than 820,000 of their Jewish citizens, in many Arab countries constituting virtually the entirety of their Jewish populations (e.g., 240,000 from Morocco; 140,000 from Algeria; 105,000 from Tunisia; 38,000 from Libya; 70,000 from Egypt; 5,000 from Lebanon; 25,000 from Syria; 135,000 from Iraq; 55,000 from former North Yemen; and 8,000 from former South Yemen). Approximately 600,000 of them fled to, and were accepted as citizens of, Israel.
Yet, despite Israel’s territorial gains during its War of Independence, the Jewish State was, nonetheless, a tenuous creation, being a mere 18 kilometers (approximately 11 miles) wide from the western edge of the coastal city of Tel Aviv (i.e., at the Mediterranean Sea), and a miniscule 15 kilometers (approximately 9 miles) wide at its narrowest point from the western edge of the coastal city of Netanya (i.e., at the Mediterranean Sea), with Transjordan controlling the mountainous spine of Samaria and thereby dominating Israel’s sole international airport (being only 5 kilometers -- approximately 3 miles -- from Transjordanian-occupied territory) as well as the Jewish cities of the coastal plain (chief among them, Tel Aviv), with the Transjordanian army encircling the Jewish-controlled western portion of Jerusalem (and its environs) on three sides, and fully encircling the Jewish-controlled Mount Scopus located in the eastern portion of Jerusalem, with that same Arab army controlling a territorial salient at Latrun overlooking, and consequently easily capable of re-blockading, the Tel Aviv – Jerusalem highway (this being, at that time, the sole road linking the western portion of Jerusalem with the remainder of Israel), with the Syrian army stationed on the peaks of the mountains comprising the Golan Heights which dominate the entire Upper Galilee region of Israel, including Israel’s largest body of fresh water, Lake Kinneret (which constitutes 40% of the Jewish State’s fresh water supply), and with Arab warplanes being able to reach Tel Aviv within one minute after leaving Transjordanian-controlled air space, thereby setting the stage for the next pan-Arab onslaught that would be launched against Israel nearly two decades later, namely, the 1967 Six Day War.
Meanwhile, in the process of their attempt to conquer and destroy the Jewish National Home, the invading Arab armies, together with their local “Palestinian” allies, destroyed all of the extant Jewish communities in the newly Arab-occupied areas -- both those which were created under the authority of the Mandate (such as the four Gush Etzion villages in Judea, the Kfar Darom and Nitzanim villages in Gaza, the Atarot and Neve Yaakov villages in the Jerusalem area and the Bet HaArava village in the Dead Sea area) and those which had existed from ancient times (such as the ancient Jewish neighborhoods situated in the eastern portion of Jerusalem which now thereby joined the ancient Jewish neighborhoods of Hebron as well as those of other Arab-dominated cities which had been destroyed almost two decades earlier); and these aggressors massacred or expelled all of the Jewish inhabitants thereof. Moreover, not being content with having extirpated the entire Jewish population from the newly Arab-occupied Old City of Jerusalem, the victorious Arabs also desecrated and razed all 58 synagogues in the Old City and vandalized 75% of the Jewish gravestones on the nearby Mount of Olives cemetery. Unsurprisingly, even prior to commencement of the pan-Arab invasion on May 15, 1948, local “Palestinian” Arab militias, with the assistance of the Arab Liberation Army, were able to capture and destroy a total of 17 Jewish villages within Israel’s Palestine Partition Plan lines of 1947, in the process mostly massacring (rather than imprisoning or expelling) their inhabitants.
Nevertheless, Transjordan's illegal occupation, from 1948 to 1967, of Judea, Samaria and the eastern portion of Jerusalem (as a result of which the Hashemite Kingdom of Transjordan, then possessing lands on both banks of the Jordan River, renamed itself the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan in 1949 and simultaneously re-designated the districts of Judea and Samaria, as well as the eastern portion of Jerusalem, as the “West Bank”) and Egypt's illegal occupation, from 1948 to 1967 of Gaza, as well as both countries' concomitant destruction of all Jewish communities there, did not remove these now Judenrein (cleansed of Jews) areas from the legal ambit of the Mandate. Accordingly, the internationally-authorized Mandatory rights inhering in the Jewish people to effect “... close settlement by Jews on the Land ...” (Mandate for Palestine, Article 6) and to reconstitute therein “... the Jewish national home ...” (Mandate for Palestine, Articles 2 & 4) continued to apply de jure to Judea, Samaria, the eastern portion of Jerusalem, and Gaza (and, as well, to the Golan Heights) until Israel’s reacquisition of those stolen lands in 1967.
This seldom-acknowledged truth of international law is reinforced by the fact that the 1949 Armistice Agreements -- which were negotiated under supervision of the United Nations and which ostensibly terminated Israel's War of Independence -- essentially declared that the armistice demarcation lines that encompassed Israel at the end of that war were not to be deemed its lawful international boundaries but only military separation-of-forces lines (or, more simply stated, mere cease-fire lines) determined without prejudice to the combatant parties’ “... rights, claims and positions ... in the ultimate peaceful settlement of the Palestine question ...” (Israel-Egypt Armistice Agreement, Article XI; Israel-Lebanon Armistice Agreement, Article II, Paragraph 2; Israel-Jordan Armistice Agreement, Article II, Paragraph 2; and Israel-Syria Armistice Agreement, Article II, Paragraph 2); and, amazingly, this same juridical formulation was applied to Israel's armistice demarcation line with Lebanon even though that line was identical to the former international boundary between the cis-Jordania portion of Mandatory Palestine and Lebanon. Yet, how did Israel manage to convince its Arab adversaries that the Armistice Agreements should memorialize, and thereby legally preserve, the Jewish State's pre-war territorial right to the illegally-occupied remainder of the cis-Jordania portion of Mandatory Palestine, as well as to the illegally-transferred Golan Heights? Ironically, Israel is not entitled to any credit for this juridical result. For, although Israel was prepared to accept all of the armistice demarcation lines as its internationally-recognized boundaries -- thereby waiving its legal right to the remainder of the cis-Jordania portion of Mandatory Palestine as well as to the Golan Heights -- aggressors Egypt, Lebanon, Jordan and Syria were not so prepared! It was precisely due to the fact that all of these Arab countries refused to so accept these lines -- even that between Lebanon and Israel, which was identical to the international boundary between Lebanon and former western Mandatory Palestine -- that the Armistice Agreements declared, in effect, that such lines were not to be treated either as the Jewish State's recognized international boundaries or as those of the surrounding Arab countries. In fact, not only did each of these Arab States insist that its respective Armistice Agreement with Israel not bestow upon the latter any recognized international boundary, but -- even more significantly -- each of these States also made certain that its Armistice Agreement did not refer to any of the territory then controlled by the Jewish people as “Israel” but only as “Palestine”. Consequently, these Arab States' dogmatic refusal to recognize the legal existence of the renascent State of Israel dictated their corollary refusal to recognize any legal boundaries for that unrecognized Jewish State, thereby foreordaining the ironic juridical result that the 1949 Armistice Agreements neither granted to these invading Arab States internationally-recognized sovereignty over these newly-occupied territories -- illegal possession of which they had temporarily acquired by conquest -- nor otherwise purported to cancel the Jewish people's collective rights of settlement and self-determination therein pursuant to the international legal authority of the Mandate for Palestine.
Significantly, although, at Arab insistence, the Armistice Agreements refer to all Jewish-held territory (i.e. the State of Israel) as “Palestine”, none of the Armistice Agreements refer to any Arab-held territory as “Palestine” or makes any reference to the existence of a “Palestinian people” (or even to “Palestinian” Arabs), let alone to any claim by the latter to collective ownership of any portion of such Arab-held territory (i.e., Gaza, Judea, Samaria and the eastern portion of Jerusalem).
The four Armistice Agreements, operatively state, in salient part, as follows:
Israel - Egypt General Armistice Agreement, dated February 24, 1949
. . .
With specific reference to the implementation of the resolutions of the Security Council of 4 and 16 November 1948, the following principles and purposes are affirmed:
1. The principle that no military or political advantage should be gained under the truce ordered by the Security Council is recognized.
2. It is also recognized that the basic purposes and spirit of the Armistice would not be served by the restoration of previously held military positions, changes from those now held other than as specifically provided for in this Agreement, or by the advance of the military forces of either side beyond positions held at the time this Armistice Agreement is signed.
3. It is further recognized that rights, claims or interests of a non-military character in the area of Palestine covered by this Agreement may be asserted by either Party, and that these, by mutual agreement being excluded from the Armistice negotiations, shall be, at the discretion of the Parties, the subject of later settlement. It is emphasized that it is not the purpose of this Agreement to establish, to recognize, to strengthen, or to weaken or nullify, in any way, any territorial, custodial or other rights, claims or interests which may be asserted by either Party in the area of Palestine or any part or locality thereof covered by this Agreement, whether such asserted rights, claims or interests derive from Security Council resolutions, including the resolution of 4 November 1948 and the Memorandum of 13 November 1948 for its implementation, or from any other source. The provisions of this Agreement are dictated exclusively by military considerations and are valid only for the period of the Armistice.
1. The line described in Article VI of this Agreement shall be designated as the Armistice Demarcation Line and is delineated in pursuance of the purpose and intent of the resolutions of the Security Council of 4 and 16 November 1948.
2. The Armistice Demarcation Line is not to be construed in any sense as a political or territorial boundary, and is delineated without prejudice to rights, claims and positions of either Party to the Armistice as regards ultimate settlement of the Palestine question.
3. The basic purpose of the Armistice Demarcation Line is to delineate the line beyond which the armed forces of the respective Parties shall not move except as provided in Article III of this Agreement.
. . .
No provision of this Agreement shall in any way prejudice the rights, claims and positions of either Party hereto in the ultimate peaceful settlement of the Palestine question.
. . .
Israel - Lebanon General Armistice Agreement, dated March 23, 1949
. . .
With a specific view to the implementation of the resolution of the Security Council of 16 November 1948, the following principles and purposes are affirmed:
1. The principle that no military or political advantage should be gained under the truce ordered by the Security Council is recognized.
2. It is also recognized that no provision of this Agreement shall in any way prejudice the rights, claims and positions of either Party hereto in the ultimate peaceful settlement of the Palestine question, the provisions of this Agreement being dictated exclusively by military considerations.
. . .
1. The line described in Article V of this Agreement shall be designated as the Armistice Demarcation Line and is delineated in pursuance of the purpose and intent of the resolution of the Security Council of 16 November 1948.
2. The basic purpose of the Armistice Demarcation Line is to delineate the line beyond which the armed forces of the respective Parties shall not move.
. . .
1. The Armistice Demarcation Line shall follow the international boundary between the Lebanon and Palestine.
. . .
Israel - Jordan General Armistice Agreement, dated April 3, 1949
. . .
With a specific view to the implementation of the resolution of the Security Council of 16 November 1948, the following principles and purposes are affirmed:
1. The principle that no military or political advantage should be gained under the truce ordered by the Security Council is recognized;
2. It is also recognized that no provision of this Agreement shall in any way prejudice the rights, claims and positions of either Party hereto in the ultimate peaceful settlement of the Palestine question, the provisions of this Agreement being dictated exclusively by military considerations.
. . .
1. The lines described in articles V and VI of this Agreement shall be designated as the Armistice Demarcation Lines and are delineated in pursuance of the purpose and intent of the resolution of the Security Council of 16 November 1948.
2. The basic purpose of the Armistice Demarcation Lines is to delineate the lines beyond which the armed forces of the respective Parties shall not move.
. . .
. . .
9. The Armistice Demarcation Lines defined in articles V and VI of this Agreement are agreed upon by the Parties without prejudice to future territorial settlements or boundary lines or to claims of either Party relating thereto.
. . .
Israel - Syria General Armistice Agreement, dated July 20, 1949
. . .
With a specific view to the implementation of the resolution of the Security Council of 16 November 1948, the following principles and purposes are affirmed:
1. The principle that no military or political advantage should be gained under the truce ordered by the Security Council is recognized.
2. It is also recognized that no provision of this Agreement shall in any way prejudice the rights, claims and positions of either Party hereto in the ultimate peaceful settlement of the Palestine question, the provisions of this Agreement being dictated exclusively by military, and not by political, considerations.
. . .
1. The line described in Article V of this Agreement shall be designated as the Armistice Demarcation Line and is delineated in pursuance of the purpose and intent of the resolution of the Security Council of 16 November 1948.
2. The basic purpose of the Armistice Demarcation Line is to delineate the line beyond which the armed forces of the respective Parties shall not move.
. . .
1. It is emphasized that the following arrangements for the Armistice Demarcation Line between the Israeli and Syrian armed forces and for the Demilitarised Zone are not to be interpreted as having any relation whatsoever to ultimate territorial arrangements affecting the two Parties to this Agreement.
2. In pursuance of the spirit of the Security Council resolution of 16 November 1948, the Armistice Demarcation Line and the Demilitarised Zone have been defined with a view toward separating the armed forces of the two Parties in such manner as to minimize the possibility of friction and incident, while providing for the gradual restoration of normal civilian life in the area of the Demilitarised Zone, without prejudice to the ultimate settlement.
. . .
It is clear that, although the Armistice Agreements explicitly acknowledged the Arabs’ de facto possession of lands over which the Jewish people had acquired exclusive national rights by virtue of the Mandate for Palestine, the Armistice Agreements did not cede to the Arabs any de jure sovereignty thereover. Consequently, Israel’s armistice agreements with Egypt and Jordan, which preserved Israel’s Mandatory-era claims to all of former western Mandatory Palestine, served as the legal basis for Egypt (in 1979) and Jordan (in 1994) to recognize Israel’s international border with each of these States as being identical to former western Mandatory Palestine’s international borders with each of these States.
Incredibly, even decades later -- despite the constant terrorist infiltrations emanating from Israel’s armistice partners -- the Jewish State continued to express its readiness to accept its nonviable armistice demarcation lines as internationally-recognized boundaries. In particular, on May 17, 1965 (being more than 2 years prior to the Jewish people’s reacquisition of Gaza, Judea, Samaria, the eastern portion of Jerusalem and the Golan Heights as a consequence of the 1967 Six Day War), Israeli Prime Minister Levi Eshkol, in a speech to Israel’s parliament, offered to replace all four Armistice Agreements with peace treaties, with the result that all of Israel’s 1949 armistice demarcation lines would be converted into legally-recognized international borders, declaring, in part, as follows:
“If we try to sum up our peace plan as it has been articulated in our statements, hopes and actions, we should say, first of all, that the foundation of it is full respect for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of all the States in the region. From the juridical point of view, the effort for peace in the region is anchored to two international obligations, one general and the other specific. The general obligation is the duty accepted by all member States of the United Nations to live with each other in peace and good neighborliness, to unite their forces for the maintenance of peace and security in the World, and to refrain from the threat or use of force against the independence or territorial integrity of any State. I am quoting from the United Nations Charter, which both we and the Arab States signed. There is, however, a second obligation in the armistice agreements of 1949. These lay down that they constitute a transition stage towards permanent peace. We propose, therefore, that direct negotiations be conducted between Israel and the States that signed the agreements with us, to replace them by pacts of peace. The peace settlement will be made on the basis of Israel as it is.”
However, no Arab aggressor deigned to accept Israel’s proposal at that time, thereby legally preserving -- even against Israel’s will -- all of the Jewish State’s Mandatory-era territorial claims. Incredibly, this situation created a double folly, as Israel was foolish to offer this proposal, while the Arab States were even more foolish to reject it, thereby unintentionally rescuing Israel from seriously endangering its existence.
In fact, absent Israel's formal consent (per Articles 77 and 79 of the U.N. Charter), not even the United Nations itself can lawfully terminate, reduce or otherwise restrict the collective Jewish rights of settlement and self-determination authorized by the Mandate for Palestine. For, although Chapter XII of the United Nations Charter (entitled “International Trusteeship System” and comprising Articles 75 through 85 thereof), permits three categories of non-sovereign territories, including “... territories now held under mandate ...” (Article 77, Paragraph 1a), to be placed under a U.N. trusteeship agreement, under the supervision of a designated “... administering authority ...” (Article 81), it also states that: “It will be a matter for subsequent agreement as to which territories in the foregoing categories will be brought under the trusteeship system and upon what terms” (Article 77, Paragraph 2), and it further states that: “The terms of trusteeship for each territory to be placed under the trusteeship system, including any alteration or amendment, shall be agreed upon by the states directly concerned, including the mandatory power in the case of territories held under mandate by a Member of the United Nations, and shall be approved as provided for in Articles 83 and 85” (Article 79). The inviolability of collective Jewish rights under the Mandate for Palestine is further reinforced and crystallized by Paragraph 1 of Article 80 of the U.N. Charter, which Charter provision severely restricts the United Nations’ legal authority to abrogate or alter any provision of the Mandate for Palestine. Article 80, Paragraph 1 of the U.N. Charter states, in full, as follows:
“Except as may be agreed upon in individual trusteeship agreements, made under Articles 77, 79, and 81, placing each territory under the trusteeship system, and until such agreements have been concluded, nothing in this Chapter shall be construed in or of itself to alter in any manner the rights whatsoever of any states or any peoples or the terms of existing international instruments to which Members of the United Nations may respectively be parties.”
Accordingly, Article 5 of the Mandate for Palestine (which states: “The Mandatory shall be responsible for seeing that no Palestine territory shall be ceded or leased to, or in any way placed under the control of, the Government of any foreign Power.”) was made binding upon the United Nations by Article 80 of the U.N. Charter.
Consequently, United Nations Security Council Resolution no. 242 -- issued in the aftermath of Israel's Six Day War of 1967, as a result of which Israel conquered the territories of Judea, Samaria, the eastern portion of Jerusalem, Gaza, Sinai and the Golan Heights -- did not create any explicit infringement of the rights acquired by the Jewish people pursuant to the Mandate for Palestine. Nor did the U.N. Security Council attempt to accomplish such an unlawful goal, as the Resolution was issued pursuant to Chapter VI of the U.N. Charter (entitled “Pacific Settlement Of Disputes” and comprising Articles 33 through 38 thereof), thereby rendering it directory (i.e., a nonbinding recommendation to the parties), rather than pursuant to Chapter VII of the U.N. Charter (entitled “Action With Respect To Threats To The Peace, Breaches Of The Peace And Acts Of Aggression” and comprising Articles 39 through 51 thereof), which -- without the existence of Article 80 of the U.N. Charter -- would have rendered it mandatory (i.e., a legal obligation imposed upon the parties and, consequently, subject to U.N. enforcement powers, including the imposition of sanctions and the employment of military intervention). Accordingly, the Resolution did not require Israel to relinquish possession over areas in which Jewry had acquired, through the Mandate, internationally-recognized legal rights of settlement and self-determination. Rather, the Resolution merely called, as a necessary component of “the establishment of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East”, for negotiations leading to the Israel's withdrawal from deliberately unspecified portions of “... territories occupied in the recent conflict ...” in order, inter alia, to establish for Israel “... secure and recognized boundaries ...”. However, as will be discussed elsewhere herein, even though the Resolution did not call for Israel to fully withdraw from the territories conquered by it in the Six Day War, the Resolution nonetheless sought to diminish rather than to effectuate Israel’s rights under international law.
The authoritative and laboriously-negotiated English-language text of the Resolution reflected an implicit international acknowledgment that, although the State of Israel had enlarged itself as a result of the 1967 Six Day War, inter alia, expanding its control over original Mandatory Palestine from 17% to 23% thereof (and over western Mandatory Palestine from 77% to 100% thereof), the Jewish State had nevertheless been the victim of genocidal Arab aggression in that War due, in part, to the wholly untenable military separation-of-forces lines of 1949 which had rendered Israel an inviting target for invasion and destruction.
It will be recalled that, for almost two decades prior to June 1967, Lebanon, Syria, Egypt and Jordan -- in rank violation of their 1949 Armistice Agreements with Israel -- had continuously permitted the various components of the Palestine Liberation Organization and its “Fedayeen” (meaning: “those who sacrifice themselves”) precursors to mount terror attacks against Israel from southern Lebanon, from the Golan Heights, from northern Sinai and Gaza, and from Judea, Samaria and the eastern portion of Jerusalem, respectively.
In further violation of its Armistice Agreement with Israel, on December 10, 1950, Jordan temporarily occupied and blockaded a portion of Israel’s highway no. 90, thereby separating Israel’s southernmost city, Eilat, from the remainder of the State.
In a further violation of its Armistice Agreement with Israel, Syria gradually encroached upon and occupied the Demilitarized Zone established between the two countries, so that by the end of 1951 its armed forces had illegally occupied the eastern bank of the Jordan River flowing south from Lake Hula to Lake Kinneret, the northeastern shore of Lake Kinneret (constituting approximately 20% of its shoreline) and the village of Hammah (now known as Hamat Gader) and its environs located near the Yarmouk River southeast of Lake Kinneret, all west of Israel’s former 1949 armistice demarcation line with Syria. In addition, the Syrian army regularly employed mortars and snipers against the Jewish communities of northern Israel from well-fortified positions on the Golan Heights (which towers approximately 900 meters -- almost 3000 feet -- above portions of northern Israel).
Furthermore, almost immediately after the signing of its Armistice Agreement with Israel, Egypt had begun to illegally confiscate cargo on ships, or to bar or sink ships, traveling to and from Israel’s Mediterranean Sea ports via the Suez Canal (which is an international waterway connecting, via the Gulf of Suez, the Mediterranean Sea and the Red Sea that was constructed on the border between the Sinai peninsula and Egypt proper, through which the passage of all ships was guaranteed pursuant to the Convention of Constantinople of 1888). In response to Israel’s complaint concerning the foregoing, the United Nations -- in a rare display of fairness towards Israel -- held discussions thereon and thereafter issued U.N. Security Council Resolution no. 95 of September 1, 1951, which Resolution declared Egypt’s maritime belligerence to be, inter alia, “inconsistent with” the Israel-Egypt Armistice Agreement of 1949, and consequently called upon Egypt to cease its interference with ships bound to or from Israeli ports via the Suez Canal; but Egypt predictably ignored the Resolution. Meanwhile, in May 1955, in an effort to prevent open warfare between Israel and Egypt, the United States (at the direction of President Dwight Eisenhower) and Britain presented a proposal called the Alpha Plan, which was premised upon the diplomatic posture that Israel (then existing exclusively within its former 1949 armistice demarcation lines) was illegally occupying Arab territory beyond its 1947 United Nations Palestine Partition Plan lines, as a result of which the Jewish State would be required to make territorial concessions to Egypt and Jordan in exchange for peace treaties. The Alpha Plan required, inter alia, that Israel cede to Egypt and Jordan a land corridor across Israel’s Negev Desert, thereby creating territorial contiguity between Egypt’s Sinai peninsula and Jordan (and consequently separating Israel’s Red Sea port of Eilat and other Jewish communities in the southern Negev Desert from the remainder of Israel). This plan was eventually rejected by Israel (as well as by Egypt, which demanded that Israel transfer to it the entire Negev Desert, then comprising 65% of Israel’s territory). Then, in September 1955, Egypt accelerated its belligerence against Israel by also illegally closing the Straits of Tiran (which is an international waterway that serves as the entrance to the Gulf of Aqaba aka Gulf of Eilat prong of the northern Red Sea) to all maritime traffic going to and from Israel, thereby blockading Israel’s Red Sea port of Eilat. The combination of these Egyptian blockades and frequent episodes of Egyptian-sponsored terrorism finally led Israel to invade and capture Sinai and Gaza in what became known as the Sinai Campaign, which began on October 29, 1956. A temporary confluence of interests with Britain and France (due to Egypt’s earlier military seizure and nationalization of the Suez Canal in July 1956) caused those two countries to assist the Israeli invasion by thereafter flooding Sinai with their own troops with the intention of recapturing the Suez Canal. However, Britain and France soon withdrew their troops from Sinai at the behest of the United States. As its price for withdrawal, Israel demanded that Egypt reopen both the Suez Canal and the Straits of Tiran to maritime traffic going to and from Israel. Israel was forced by threats of diplomatic and economic retaliation by the United States (at the direction of President Dwight Eisenhower), as well as by the threat of invasion from the Soviet Union, to settle for the reopening of the Straits of Tiran. In order to ensure Egyptian compliance with the terms of withdrawal and prevent the future outbreak of hostilities, the U.N. created a multinational peacekeeping force, known as the United Nations Emergency Force, and stationed its personnel in Sinai and in Gaza. Israel thereafter withdrew its forces from Sinai and Gaza on March 16, 1957.
Nonetheless, Arab aggression against Israel continued apace during the next decade. By the Spring of 1967 it had become clear to Israel that its 1949 “armistice partners” were determined to annihilate it in one final pan-Arab assault. On April 7, 1967, Syria virtually destroyed Kibbutz Gadot, located in the Upper Galilee, via a concentrated barrage of approximately 800 artillery shells fired from the Golan Heights -- an indisputable act of War. In May 1967, after having sent its infantry and tanks northward and massing them near its armistice demarcation line with Israel, Egypt successfully demanded that the United Nations Emergency Force withdraw its peacekeeping forces from Sinai and Gaza. Moreover, Egypt simultaneously reinstituted its naval blockade against Israel's Red Sea port of Eilat (resulting, inter alia, in the interruption of Israel's main supply of petroleum) -- another indisputable act of War. Meanwhile, Syria -- which had earlier entered into a military pact with Egypt -- began to thicken its forces in the Golan Heights; and finally, on May 30, 1967, Jordan also entered into a military pact with Egypt that, inter alia, placed Jordan’s armed forces (bolstered by soldiers from Iraq and Saudi Arabia) under Egyptian command. All told, Syria, Egypt and Jordan encircled Israel with approximately 300,000 troops, 2,000 tanks and 700 warplanes. On May 18, 1967 the Cairo-based government-controlled Kul al-Arab (Voice of the Arabs) Radio proclaimed: “As of today, there no longer exists an international emergency force to protect Israel. We shall exercise patience no more. We shall not complain any more to the U.N. about Israel. The sole method we shall apply against Israel is total war, which will result in the extermination of Zionist existence.” On May 20, 1967, Syrian Defense Minister Hafez al-Assad declared: “Our forces are now entirely ready, not only to repulse the aggression, but to initiate the act of liberation itself, and to explode the Zionist presence in the Arab homeland. The Syrian army, with its finger on the trigger, is united ... I, as a military man, believe that the time has come to enter into a battle of annihilation.” And on May 28, 1967 Egyptian President Gamal Abd el-Nasser stated: “We intend to open a general assault against Israel. This will be total war. Our basic aim is the destruction of Israel.”
Despite the foregoing, both the United States (at the direction of President Lyndon Johnson) and the Soviet Union warned Israel not to respond to the acts of war already initiated by Syria and Egypt and not to preempt their publicly-threatened invasion.
In defiance of the United States and the Soviet Union, on June 5, 1967, Israel responded with military strikes against Egypt and Syria, which ultimately resulted in the Jewish State’s capture of Sinai and in its reacquisition of Gaza and the Golan Heights; but Israel simultaneously promised not to act against Jordan if the latter would refrain from joining the War. When, on the very same day, Jordan nevertheless launched its portion of the pan-Arab War against Israel (commencing with the sustained bombardment of the western portion of Jerusalem with over 6,000 mortar and artillery shells in the first 3 days of the War as well as an aerial attack against Netanya and a long-gun artillery barrage against Tel Aviv from positions in west-central Samaria just east of Israel’s former 1949 armistice demarcation lines), the Jewish State repelled the Jordanian forces and launched a counter-attack which resulted in the Jewish State’s reacquisition of Judea, Samaria, and the eastern portion of Jerusalem. Although this attempt to destroy Israel was led by Egypt, Syria and Jordan, additional troops and weaponry were contributed by Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Kuwait and Algeria.
It must be emphasized that the ongoing violations by Lebanon, Egypt, Jordan and Syria of their 1949 Armistice Agreements with Israel -- culminating in the latter three’s coordinated attempt to annihilate the Jewish State in 1967 -- necessarily absolved Israel from any further legal obligation to comply those Agreements, including any further legal obligation to recognize or otherwise abide by the armistice demarcation lines created by those breached Agreements. Essentially, the former 1949 armistice demarcation lines, being nothing more than arbitrary cease-fire lines with the armies of Egypt, Jordan and Syria, were erased by those three Arab countries when they initially breached, and thereafter continued to breach, their Armistice Agreements with Israel from 1949 to 1967. Consequently, the Cease-Fire having been breached by the Arabs, the Jewish people’s reacquisition in a war of self-defense of Judea, Samaria, the eastern portion of Jerusalem, Gaza and the Golan Heights, to which lands the Jewish State had retained its Mandatory-era sovereignty claims, was lawfully accomplished.
Although Lebanon’s continuing violations of its Armistice Agreement with Israel also absolved the Jewish State from any further legal obligation to comply with that Agreement, Lebanon’s lack of active participation in the 1967 Six Day War influenced Israel not to respond -- at that time -- to such Lebanese violations by capturing territory within that country in order to provide itself with more defensible borders. However, as a belated response to Lebanon’s continuing violations of its Armistice Agreement, Israel did eventually capture and hold territory within the southern portion of that country during various times from 1978 to 2000. Tellingly, even after Israel fully withdrew from southern Lebanon in May 2000, and even after the United Nations, using professional surveyors, demarcated the border between Israel and Lebanon in June 2000 (so that the newly-demarcated border would conform to the 1949 armistice demarcation line, which was identical to the international border between former Mandatory Palestine and Lebanon), the latter has refused to accept the legitimacy of the U.N.-demarcated border. Instead, Lebanon has insisted that: (a) territory on the western slopes of Mount Hermon atop the Golan Heights, known as Mount Dov, that Israel had captured from Syria during the 1967 Six Day War (which Lebanon has denominated as the “Shaba Farmlands”) actually belongs to Lebanon, because, although Syria had been in continuous possession of Mount Dov from the date of its statehood until Israel’s seizure thereof, Syria had, at some unspecified earlier date, allegedly ceded its sovereignty over Mount Dov to Lebanon; and (b) the northern portion of Israel’s Upper Galilee region actually belongs to Lebanon, because, prior to Israel’s 1948 War of Independence, that territory hosted 6 Shiite Muslim villages and one mixed Shiite Muslim - Greek Catholic village (which Lebanon has denominated as the “Seven Villages”), the residents of which fled to Lebanon during the War. However, if the latter claim were to be upheld, then Israel could rightly claim sovereignty over all territories in those Arab States from which Jews fled or were expelled during that War.
In light of the foregoing, although the internationally-recognized Doctrine of Preemptive Defense (also known as the Doctrine of Anticipatory Defense) permits a nation to defend itself from imminent aggression by striking its enemy first, it is nonetheless clear that the widespread labeling of the Six Day War as a preemptive war initiated by Israel is misleading. A truly preemptive war is one in which the preemptor’s adversary has credibly threatened, but has not yet commenced, an imminent war against the preemptor. In contrast, the several battles comprising what is known as the Six Day War were Israel’s belated response to the ongoing pan-Arab war that had been continuously prosecuted against the Jewish State during the prior two decades, especially the huge escalation thereof that had occurred in the preceding two months. Accordingly, Israel’s strike against its Arab enemies in June 1967 is more properly denominated as the employment of Reactive Defense. However, the Six Day War is habitually labeled as being preemptive rather than reactive for two basic reasons. Firstly, Israel was able to successfully use its air force and mechanized infantry against the Arabs before they were able to successfully use those particular military components against Israel, thereby preempting an imminent pan-Arab infantry invasion of the Jewish State; and secondly, Israel’s use of reactive force took place so many years after the commencement of post-armistice Arab aggression that such Israeli counterforce naturally (albeit falsely) presented itself to the World as being preemptive rather than reactive. Nonetheless, regardless of its labeling, Israel’s preemption of an imminent Arab invasion certainly did not convert the status of the Six Day War from a lawful defensive military action into an unlawful offensive military action.
However, it should be noted that, although the U.N. Security Council implicitly conceded the undeniable fact that Israel had been the victim and the surrounding Arab countries had been the aggressors in the Six Day War, that deliberative body was nonetheless unwilling to explicitly elucidate this Truth in the Resolution. In fact, the text thereof is so neutral as between victim and aggressor that it neither identifies the participants in the war nor otherwise utters the name “Israel”, except in its call for “withdrawal of Israeli armed forces from territories occupied in the recent conflict” -- a provision from which an uninformed person might readily (albeit falsely) infer that Israel had been the aggressor in that War. This exhibition of diplomatic cowardice by the U.N. Security Council was motivated both by its aversion to angering the Arab and larger Muslim Worlds by labeling some of their members as aggressors and by its understanding that these Jew-hating countries would never accept a U.N. resolution which not only failed to patently condemn the Jewish State but which made excessive reference, by name, to that State, the existence of which (as of 1967) these countries refused to accept de jure or to acknowledge de facto.
Yet, whatever its faults, U.N. Security Council Resolution no. 242 did acknowledge that the breach by Israel’s adversaries of their Armistice Agreements with Israel had erased the armistice demarcation lines embedded in those Armistice Agreements. As the Arab violation in 1948 of the Partition Plan lines of 1947 had legally erased those earlier lines, the Arab violation in 1967 of the cease-fire lines of 1949 had legally erased those later lines. Logically, the latter (being a product of bilateral negotiations under the auspices of the U.N.) was not -- and could not be -- more sacrosanct than was the former (being a direct product of the U.N.).
U.N. Security Council Resolution no. 242 states, in full, as follows:
United Nations Security Council Resolution 242 (22 November 1967).
The Security Council,
Expressing its continuing concern with the grave situation in the Middle East,
Emphasizing the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war and the need to work for a just and lasting peace in which every State in the area can live in security,
Emphasizing further that all Member States in their acceptance of the Charter of the United Nations have undertaken a commitment to act in accordance with Article 2 of the Charter:
1. Affirms that the fulfillment of Charter principles requires the establishment of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East which should include the application of both the following principles:
(i) Withdrawal of Israeli armed forces from territories occupied in the recent conflict;
(ii) Termination of all claims or states of belligerency and respect for and acknowledgement of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of every State in the area and their right to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries free from threats or acts of force;
2. Affirms further the necessity:
(a) For guaranteeing freedom of navigation through international waterways in the area;
(b) For achieving a just settlement of the refugee problem;
(c) For guaranteeing the territorial inviolability and political independence of every State in the area, through measures including the establishment of demilitarized zones;
3. Requests the Secretary-General to designate a Special Representative to proceed to the Middle East to establish and maintain contacts with the States concerned in order to promote agreement and assist efforts to achieve a peaceful and accepted settlement in accordance with the provisions and principles in this resolution;
4. Requests the Secretary-General to report to the Security Council on the progress of the efforts of the Special Representative as soon as possible.
It is noteworthy that the Resolution neither calls upon Israel to return to its former 1949 armistice demarcation lines nor even refers to those military separation-of-forces lines (or to any equivalent formulation, such as: “the lines of June 4, 1967”). That Israel is not called upon to withdraw to the military separation-of-forces lines of 1949 is further proven by the refusal of the U.N. Security Council to insert the word(s) “all” or “the” or “all of the” before the phrase “territories occupied in the recent conflict” in operative paragraph 1(i) of the Resolution -- despite a five-month pre-passage diplomatic onslaught by the Arab nations and their allies to so modify the language thereof. That the omission of the word “all” from operative paragraph 1(i) of the Resolution was deliberate is further proven by the fact that the word “all” was carefully placed before the phrase “claims or states of belligerency” in operative paragraph 1(ii) of the Resolution. Moreover, interpreting the Resolution to request that Israel withdraw from all of the territories would have rendered the Resolution’s call for negotiations to establish “secure and recognized boundaries” superfluous.
As stated on January 19, 1970 by George Brown, Foreign Secretary of Britain in 1967:
“I have been asked over and over again to clarify, modify or improve the wording, but I do not intend to do that. The phrasing of the Resolution was very carefully worked out, and it was a difficult and complicated exercise to get it accepted by the U.N. Security Council. I formulated the Security Council Resolution. Before we submitted it to the Council, we showed it to Arab leaders. The proposal said 'Israel will withdraw from territories that were occupied', and not from 'the' territories, which means that Israel will not withdraw from all the territories.” (reported in Israel-based Jerusalem Post newspaper, January 23, 1970).
This position was reiterated numerous times by Hugh Foot, better known as Lord Caradon, Britain’s U.N. Ambassador in 1967, who participated in the drafting of the Resolution. Typical of his explanation of the Resolution are the following:
“It would have been wrong to demand that Israel return to its positions of 4 June 1967 because those positions were undesirable and artificial. After all, they were just the places the soldiers of each side happened to be the day the fighting stopped in 1948. They were just armistice lines. That's why we didn't demand that the Israelis return to them, and I think we were right not to.” (excerpt from interview with Lebanon-based Daily Star newspaper, June 12, 1974).
“We could have said: well, you go back to the 1967 line. But I know the 1967 line, and it’s a rotten line. You couldn’t have a worse line for a permanent international boundary. It’s where the troops happened to be on a certain night in 1948. It’s got no relation to the needs of the situation.” (excerpt from interview with Journal of Palestine Studies, entitled “An Interview with Lord Caradon,” Spring - Summer 1976, pages 144-45)
This was also the position of the United States. As stated by Joseph Sisco, Assistant Secretary of State of the United States in 1967:
“That Resolution did not say 'withdrawal to the pre-June 5 lines'. The Resolution said that the parties must negotiate to achieve agreement on the so-called final secure and recognized borders. In other words, the question of the final borders is a matter of negotiations between the parties.” (excerpt from interview with U.S.-based NBC Television Network, “Meet The Press” program, July 12, 1970).
Moreover, the Resolution's explicit call for negotiations between “the States concerned” (i.e., Israel, Syria, Jordan, Egypt and Lebanon) to establish for themselves (i.e., including Israel) “secure and recognized boundaries” constituted an acknowledgment by the international community that the former 1949 armistice demarcation lines were neither “secure” (i.e., although Israel had prevailed in the 1967 Six Day War, the 1949 separation-of-forces lines were not militarily defensible) nor “recognized” (i.e., the 1949 separation-of-forces lines did not constitute internationally-recognized boundaries).
As declared on September 10, 1968 by United States President Lyndon Johnson:
“We are not the ones to say where other nations should draw lines between them that will assure each the greatest security. It is clear, however, that a return to the situation of 4 June 1967 will not bring peace. There must be secure -- and there must be recognized -- borders. Some such lines must be agreed to by the neighbors involved.”
However, notwithstanding the respective statements of the foregoing officials, the interpretation of the Resolution is not dependent upon these statements due to the unambiguous language of the Resolution. For, even if every official who had affirmed the plain meaning of the Resolution had subsequently repudiated his statement, such repudiations would not and could not alter the plain language and consequently the plain meaning of the Resolution.
In the context of Israel’s entitlement to retain secure borders, it is crucial to comprehend that even after Israel’s reacquisition of Judea, Samaria and the eastern portion of Jerusalem in 1967, the Jewish State had only increased its narrow width, as measured by the distance between the western edge of Tel Aviv (i.e., at the Mediterranean Sea) and the nearest Arab-controlled territory to the East (i.e., on the eastern bank of the Jordan River), from 18 kilometers (approximately 11 miles) to 64 kilometers (approximately 40 miles), thereby marginally lengthening the time for Arab warplanes launched from the East to reach Tel Aviv from one minute to three minutes. Accordingly, logic dictates that Israel must retain all 64 kilometers (40 miles) of its present width (i.e., from the Mediterranean Sea to the Jordan River) in order for it to maintain minimally secure borders.
Yet, disingenuously -- despite the fact that the members of the U.N. Security Council debated the provisions of, and voted to pass, only the English-language version of the Resolution (the draft of which was submitted by Britain to the Security Council as U.N. document no. S/8247), and despite the fact that British and American diplomats have publicly stated that the omission of the definite article “the” before the noun “territories” in the text thereof was intentional -- many anti-Zionist polemicists claim fealty only to the French-language translation of the English-language Resolution which employs the phrase “des territoires” (which literally re-translates into the English language as “from the territories”, but which idiomatically re-translates into the English language as either “from the territories” or “from territories”). However, due to the fact that this apparent ambiguity in meaning occurs only because the grammatical rules of the French language do not permit the employment of the preposition “from” together with its intended object without the interpolation of the definite article “the” (i.e., the English-language phrase “from territories” cannot grammatically be rendered into the French language except as “des territoires”), France declared -- soon after the Resolution was issued -- that the French-language version thereof was intended to be an exact translation of the English-language text thereof, and that, consequently, its version did not cause the Resolution to have any different meaning in the French language than it had in the English language.
Of course, since the Resolution is merely a recommendation and is, consequently, nonbinding, any linguistic argument over the withdrawal component thereof is only of academic interest. Yet, even if the Resolution were mandatory rather than directory, since the Resolution does not, in fact, demand withdrawal from all of the territories, has already satisfied the Resolution's nonspecific withdrawal component by effecting the following:
(a) relinquishment to Egypt of the district of Sinai (plus all of the additional lands captured by Israel in the Yom Kippur War of 1973 beyond Sinai towards Cairo); and
(b) relinquishment to Syria of the district of Kuneitra on the Golan Heights (plus all of the additional lands captured by Israel in the Yom Kippur War of 1973 beyond the Golan Heights towards Damascus); and
(c) withdrawal of the Israeli army from Area A of the “West Bank”; and
(d) withdrawal of the Israeli army from Gaza
-- constituting in excess of 90% of the territories acquired by Israel in the 1967 Six Day War (plus 100% of the new territories acquired by Israel in the 1973 Yom Kippur War).
The Jewish holy day of Yom Kippur (meaning: Day of Atonement) -- when most government functions in Israel cease and most Jews are in synagogues praying and fasting -- was observed on October 6 in 1973. On that very day, in rank violation of U.N. Security Council Resolution no. 242, Egypt and Syria launched a coordinated invasion against Israel. Along the Suez Canal, approximately 80,000 Egyptian soldiers attacked approximately 500 Israeli soldiers; and in the Golan Heights, approximately 1,400 Syrian tanks attacked approximately 180 Israeli tanks. However, Egypt and Syria did not act alone. The Arab States of Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Libya, Algeria, Tunisia, Morocco, Sudan and Jordan contributed soldiers, tanks, aircraft and pilots, while the non-Arab States of Cuba and North Korea also contributed aircraft and pilots. Moreover, Lebanon, although not directly participating in the War, permitted “Palestinian” terrorists to attack northern Israel’s civilian population centers with rockets and mortars from its territory during the War. All of these nations thereby attempted by military means to deprive Israel of the benefits of the Resolution's recommendation of negotiations leading to “secure and recognized boundaries” for the Jewish State, as a consequence of which it may be argued that the aggressors thereby forfeited their recommended benefits under the Resolution. Moreover, it may be further argued that -- even if Syria did not forfeit the Resolution's recommended benefits by its unprovoked attack upon Israel in 1973 -- since Syria's initial acquisition of the Golan Heights was illegal under international law, Israel's reacquisition of this territory was, and its present retention thereof is, lawful under international law.
Jordan’s participation in the Yom Kippur War requires comment, as it illuminates the extent to which Israel is able to trust “moderate” Arab countries even when the former’s and the latters’ interests are ostensibly aligned. On September 19, 1970, approximately 3 years prior to the War, Jordan, then involved in defending itself against a rebellion led by the P.L.O. and aided by Syria (whose forces had invaded Jordan), pleaded (via Britain and the United States) with Israel to save Jordan by attacking Syria. In response, Israel massed troops on its border with Syria, thereby causing Syria to withdraw its forces from Jordan, severely disadvantaging the P.L.O., which was ultimately defeated and expelled by Jordan to Lebanon. Yet, despite the existential assistance extended by Israel to Jordan and despite Syria’s attempt to destroy Jordan, a mere 3 years later Jordan nonetheless sent its “40th Armoured Brigade” (comprising 4,000 soldiers and 150 tanks) to its nemesis -- Syria -- in aid of the latter’s attempt to annihilate its benefactor -- Israel. However, Jordan immediately hedged its bets against the potential adverse consequences of its treachery, by (via the United States) (a) claiming to Israel that, as a State adjacent to Israel which had remained in a formal state of war with the Jewish State, it had no choice but to participate in the Yom Kippur War, (b) disclosing to Israel the location of its Syria-based brigade and (c) imploring Israel not to attack either the brigade or Jordan itself on account of the latter’s participation in the War. In fact, even though the Jordanian brigade did attack Israel, the latter (although defending itself against the brigade) chose not to retaliate against Jordan itself. With respect to Jordan’s spurious claim that it had no choice but to participate in the Yom Kippur War, it is noteworthy that, although Lebanon -- which was also a State adjacent to Israel, and which had also remained in a formal state of war with the Jewish State -- chose not to commit any soldiers or tanks to the Yom Kippur War, that Arab state did not suffer any adverse diplomatic or economic consequences from the Arab League or individual Arab States as a result of that “dishonorable” decision.
It is also noteworthy that although the U.S. (at the direction of President Richard Nixon) agreed to resupply Israel with replacement airplanes, munitions and weaponry during the War, every U.S. ally in Western Europe denied landing rights for plane refueling -- and even overflight permission -- to the U.S. resupply operation. Eventually, Portugal breached Western Europe’s resupply blockade by permitting U.S. military transport planes to land and refuel in its autonomous Azores archipelago on their way to Israel. After leaving the Azores Islands, these U.S. resupply planes were then forced to traverse the skies above the Mediterranean Sea in the often-narrow air corridor between the maritime southern boundaries of the blockading Western European littoral states and the maritime northern boundaries of the belligerent Arab littoral States.
In the aftermath of the Yom Kippur War, the U.N. Security Council issued its Resolution no. 338, which -- hearkening back to the cowardice displayed in its Resolution no. 242 concerning the Six Day War -- cravenly declined either (a) to identify Israel as the victim in the Yom Kippur War (or even utter the name “Israel”), or (b) to condemn Egypt and Syria as the principal aggressors (or to even identify them as participants) in that War. However, the enactment of this new Resolution did not change the indisputable fact that Israel’s adversaries had violated and thereby repudiated U.N. Security Council Resolution no. 242 when they again attacked Israel in 1973. This new Resolution states, in full, as follows:
United Nations Security Council Resolution 338 (October 22, 1973).
The Security Council
1. Calls upon all parties to the present fighting to cease all firing and terminate all military activity immediately, no later than 12 hours after the moment of the adoption of this decision, in the positions they now occupy;
2. Calls upon the parties concerned to start immediately after the cease-fire the implementation of Security Council resolution 242 (1967) in all of its parts;
3. Decides that, immediately and concurrently with the cease-fire, negotiations start between the parties concerned under appropriate auspices aimed at establishing a just and durable peace in the Middle East.
It is noteworthy that nowhere does U.N. Security Council Resolution no. 242 (or U.N. Security Council Resolution no. 338) assert any “Palestinian” collective ownership of -- or call for the establishment of a “Palestinian” State in -- any portion of the biblical Land of Israel. On the contrary, U.N. Security Council Resolution no. 242’s explicitly-stated goal of safeguarding the “territorial integrity” and the “territorial inviolability” of “every State in the area” conclusively demonstrates that the Resolution was intended to address, not the present “Palestinian” Arab claim of sovereignty over certain portions of the lands captured by Israel in the 1967 Six Day War, but rather that which its drafters (disingenuously or naively) viewed as mere boundary line disputes among the combatant States, namely, Israel, Egypt, Jordan, Syria and (although not a direct participant in the Six Day War) Lebanon -- the enumeration of which does not include, and was not intended to include, the non-sovereign Palestine Liberation Organization or any other non-State actor. However, Israel did subsequently resolve the boundary line aspects of its existential disputes with Egypt (in 1979) and Jordan (in 1994) via formal peace treaties, each of which conceded that Israel’s recognized international border with that State was identical to former western Mandatory Palestine’s recognized international border with that State, neither of which required Israel to withdraw from any of its reacquired territories (as none of these territories ever belonged to Egypt or Jordan), and neither of which excepted from Israel’s recognized international border with that State the relevant “Palestinian” border enclave.
Consequently, the Resolution's extant withdrawal component, if any, presently applies, if at all, only to the boundary line aspects of Israel's existential disputes with Syria (due to Israel's continued possession of a portion of the Golan Heights) and Lebanon (due to the fact that, although Israel does not presently occupy any portion of Lebanon, as officially certified in 2000 by the U.N., the 1949 Israel-Lebanon Armistice Agreement does not require Lebanon -- or Israel -- to recognize the international border between Lebanon and former western Mandatory Palestine as being the international border between Lebanon and Israel). Consequently, none of the presently-unresolved boundary line issues contemplated by the Resolution involve Judea, Samaria, the eastern portion of Jerusalem or Gaza -- or the claims of the P.L.O. or any other non-State actor. Additional proof that the P.L.O. is not an intended beneficiary of the Resolution's withdrawal component can be found in the Resolution's explicit call for “achieving a just settlement of the refugee problem”, this being the Resolution's sole reference to the rights and entitlements of the “Palestinian” Arabs.
Lastly, it is also noteworthy that U.N. Security Council Resolution no. 242, in what is generally regarded as an implicit criticism of Israel’s conduct during the Six Day War, asserts “the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war”. However, a proper understanding of the principles of international law (including those created by the Mandate for Palestine) leads to the contrary conclusion that it was Transjordan’s illegal acquisition of Judea, Samaria and the eastern portion of Jerusalem by offensive war in 1948 and Egypt’s illegal acquisition of Gaza by offensive war in 1948 that was “inadmissible”, rather than Israel’s lawful reacquisition thereof by defensive war in 1967.
To be more precise:
(a) In the case of territory to which the acquiring State does not possess an exclusive lawful claim of sovereignty, offensive acquisition thereof is prohibited by international law, while defensive acquisition thereof is permitted by international law.
(b) In the case of territory to which the acquiring State possesses an exclusive lawful claim of sovereignty (i.e., although such territory belongs to the acquiring State, it is being illegally occupied by the target State), reacquisition (however accomplished) is permitted by international law -- even if the target State’s illegal occupation has persisted for many decades.
A recent example of case (b) is Azerbaijan’s lawful reacquisition -- via offensive war -- of most of Nagorno-Karabakh and environs, territory that had been illegally occupied by Armenia for 27 years (from 1993 to 2020).
Due to the foregoing, U.N. Security Council Resolution no. 242 -- being the product of international politics -- is actually contrary to international law, as Israel’s defensive acquisition of Sinai was lawful under international law (despite Israel’s lack of any claim of sovereignty thereto), and Israel’s reacquisition of all other territories was lawful under international law (even had such reacquisition been accomplished via offensive war rather than defensive war, due to Israel’s exclusive lawful claim of sovereignty thereto). Alternatively stated, the Resolution sought to diminish rather than to effectuate Israel's rights under international law via its attempted repudiation of Israel’s prerogative to retain 100% of the territories that it had captured in the 1967 Six Day War. This makes U.N. Security Council Resolution no. 242 of 1967 kindred to U.N. General Assembly Resolution no. 181 (II) of 1947 (“Palestine Partition Plan”), as the latter resolution similarly sought to diminish rather than to effectuate Israel's rights under international law via its attempted repudiation of the Jewish people’s prerogative to obtain its statehood in 100% of cis-Jordania (i.e., western Mandatory Palestine, comprising all of the territory between the Mediterranean Sea and the Jordan River).
Unsurprisingly, Israel is the only country whose lawful acquisition of some lands and lawful reacquisition of other lands has been labeled, in Orwellian fashion, as illegal by the U.N. system and by virtually all of its member States.
Although the international community has also issued myriads of other U.N. Security Council resolutions and U.N. General Assembly resolutions (and has even procured an advisory opinion from the U.N. International Court of Justice) which appear to erode, or even negate, the international legal status of the League of Nations’ Mandate for Palestine, none of these resolutions (or such nonbinding judicial advisory ruling) have been able alter preexisting international law by which “... recognition has thereby been given to the historical connexion of the Jewish people with Palestine and to the grounds for reconstituting their national home in that country” (Mandate for Palestine, Preamble, Paragraph 3) on account of which “... close settlement by Jews on the Land, including State lands and waste lands not required for public purposes” (Mandate for Palestine, Article 6) was thereby authorized. This is due, in part, to the fact that all of the Security Council resolutions against Israel have been issued under authority of Chapter VI rather than Chapter VII of the U.N. Charter, and they are, consequently, directory (i.e., recommendatory) rather than mandatory (i.e., obligatory), and that General Assembly resolutions against member States are always directory (i.e., recommendatory).
However, even if the Security Council were to issue a resolution against Israel under the authority of Chapter VII of the U.N. Charter, which seeks to deprive the Jewish people of their collective rights of settlement and self-determination under the Mandate for Palestine, that resolution would be in flagrant violation of Article 80 of the U.N. Charter (which, absent Israel's formal consent, prohibits the U.N. from using its potential trusteeship authority over the non-sovereign territories of Judea, Samaria and Gaza “... to alter in any manner the rights whatsoever of any states or any peoples or the terms of existing international instruments to which Members of the United Nations may respectively be parties”), and would, for that reason, be deemed null and void -- ab initio -- under international law.
Consequently, the State of Israel is the lawful repository of exclusive national rights in and to the entirety of the western portion of former Mandatory Palestine and the remnant of the eastern portion of former Mandatory Palestine that comprises the Golan Heights, which lands were explicitly granted to the Jewish people by virtue of the Mandate for Palestine. Alternatively stated, pursuant to international law (as established by the raison d’être and the provisions of the Mandate), and based upon the fact that the Jewish State has not ceded such national rights to any other party, the State of Israel is the lawful sovereign in all of the Land of Israel from the River to the Sea plus the Golan Heights.
Yet, don't the countless U.N. resolutions directed against the State of Israel’s sovereignty over the Land of Israel, although nonbinding, nevertheless, constitute the collective Will of the international community? -- Well, Yes.
In fact, it is often asserted that the State of Israel was created by the United Nations via U.N. General Assembly Resolution no. 181 (II) of November 29, 1947 (Palestine Partition Plan) as a byproduct of Europe's alleged guilty conscience over its complicity in the Holocaust. Consequently, it is frequently argued that the Jewish State has a unique moral obligation to respect and implement all applicable U.N. resolutions, whether or not legally binding.
Accordingly, doesn't Israel's habitual disregard of such U.N. resolutions constitute it as an outlaw, or at least, an immoral nation? -- Well, No.
FIRSTLY, Israel’s juridical birth certificate is the pre-Holocaust League of Nations’ Mandate for Palestine of 1922 (provisionally operative from 1920) -- not the post-Holocaust United Nations Palestine Partition Plan of 1947. Moreover, the Mandate was itself explicitly based upon the preexisting “historical connexion of the Jewish people with Palestine and to the grounds for reconstituting their national home in that country” (Mandate for Palestine, Preamble, Paragraph 3).
As Chairman of the Jewish Agency for Palestine (and future Israeli Prime Minister) David Ben-Gurion reminded the Peel Commission during his testimony thereto on January 7, 1937, concerning the Jewish people’s aboriginal status in the Land of Israel:
I say on behalf of the Jews that the Bible is our Mandate, the Bible which was written by us, in our own language, in Hebrew, in this very country. That is our Mandate. It was only recognition of this right which was expressed in the Balfour Declaration.
Since the Jewish people’s right to reestablish their nation-state in the biblical Land of Israel became a pillar of international law decades before the advent of the Holocaust, and since this aspect of international law was merely a formal acknowledgment of the 4,000 year old aboriginal Jewish right to the Land, it is a gross misrepresentation of History to claim that the State of Israel instead emerged from the womb of the United Nations, impregnated by alleged European remorse over the Holocaust.
Moreover, while the Holocaust did not create the State of Israel, the absence of the State of Israel did create the Holocaust. For, had the Jewish State already existed when Nazi Germany arose from the ashes of World War I, virtually all of those who perished in the Holocaust would, instead, have been forcibly expelled by Nazi Germany to a welcoming Israel; and, consequently, there would have been no Holocaust.
Furthermore, if genuine European remorse over the Holocaust had really existed in 1947, then the United Nations General Assembly would never have issued its niggardly Palestine Partition Plan -- a recommendation of the international community which (following the decades-earlier severing from Mandatory Palestine of the territories which later became Jordan and the subsequent illegal transfer from Mandatory Palestine of the Golan Heights) left the Jewish people with less than 11% of that which the League of Nations had originally allocated to them under the Mandate for Palestine, deprived them of any sovereignty over Jerusalem, and saddled them with a demographic and sectarian time bomb in the form of a population that was 45% Arab, virtually all of whom were hostile to the creation of a Jewish State. Rather -- especially in light of the uncompromising language of Article 5 of the Mandate for Palestine -- a penitent U.N., acting through its Security Council, would have issued at that time an authoritative resolution under Chapter VII of the U.N. Charter: (1) affirming the continuing primacy of the Mandate for Palestine as the legal foundation for the establishment of a Jewish State, (2) recognizing full Jewish sovereignty over the entire western portion of Mandatory Palestine, including Jerusalem, which constituted the remaining 22% of original Mandatory Palestine and (3) acknowledging that the Jewish people had the right to repatriate to their countries of origin the many hundreds of thousands of hostile Arabs who, from 1920 onward, had been permitted to inundate the cis-Jordania portion of Mandatory Palestine by Britain in rank violation of its fiduciary obligations to the Jewish people under the Mandate for Palestine.
Clearly, Israel exists neither due to Europe's alleged guilty conscience nor due to the issuance of the meager Palestine Partition Plan, but due only to the fact that the renascent Jewish State militarily defeated the seven Arab states which, together with the transnational Arab Liberation Army and local “Palestinian” militias drawn from Arab population centers throughout the cis-Jordania portion of Mandatory Palestine, had sought to annihilate the Jewish State, thereby igniting Israel's War of Independence.
In fact, the appellation “Israel’s War of Independence” is somewhat of a misnomer; for, by the time of the War’s commencement on May 15, 1948, British occupation forces had already departed from the cis-Jordania portion of Mandatory Palestine, and the Jewish people had already declared the establishment of a Jewish State. Consequently, Israel was already an independent (albeit a threatened) nation-state at the outset of the War of Independence. It would be more accurate, both historically and psychologically, to denominate this post-independence War as “Israel’s War of Survival” and to denominate only the earlier pre-independence period beginning with the violent Jewish revolt against the British Mandatory authorities and ending with Britain’s forced withdrawal from the cis-Jordania portion of Mandatory Palestine (i.e., from February 1, 1944 through May 14, 1948) as “Israel’s War of Independence”.
Those who assert that Israel was created, rather than diminished, by the Palestine Partition Plan knowingly reverse Cause and Effect, as U.N. General Assembly Resolution no. 181 (II) was the result -- rather than the determinant -- of Britain’s decision to quit the remainder of Mandatory Palestine. This is because, in February 1947, Britain had already announced its intention to completely withdraw from the cis-Jordania portion of Mandatory Palestine. Since this withdrawal announcement was made some 9 months prior to -- and, in fact, served as the direct impetus for -- the United Nations’ issuance of its Palestine Partition Plan, it is clear that the subsequent British withdrawal from the cis-Jordania portion of Mandatory Palestine in May 1948, the consequent Arab war of annihilation against the Jewish population centers thereof (in rank violation of the Palestine Partition Plan) and the ensuing emergence of the State of Israel intact therefrom all would have occurred regardless of the existence of the Palestine Partition Plan.
Conversely, had the Jewish population centers of the cis-Jordania portion of Mandatory Palestine been destroyed by the Arabs, and had Israel thereby lost its War of Independence, then neither United Nations’ resolutions nor supranational remorse would have sufficed to reverse such a catastrophic denouement.
Clearly, there is an enormous difference between endorsement and creation. While the United Nations certainly endorsed the establishment of modern Israel (at least within the tiny Palestine Partition Plan lines), that feckless endorsement (which was so violently rejected by the entire Arab, and larger Muslim, World) had no operative effect on the creation of the Jewish State precisely because that endorsement was stillborn.
Nonetheless, that endorsement did bestow upon Israel a unique international legal status, namely, that of being the only nation in the World whose establishment was officially endorsed by both the League of Nations and the United Nations.
However, delving deeper into the realm of Cause and Effect, it may be cogently argued that the State of Israel presently exists in the biblical Land of Israel as a demographically-dominant Jewish nation-state within defensible borders due only to a combination of the belligerence and the impatience of the Arabs. This denouement was portended by the prescient declaration of the biblical Joseph to his brothers: “ ‘Although you meant [to inflict] Evil upon me, God meant it for Good, in order to accomplish -- it is as [clear as] this Day -- that a vast people be kept alive.’ “ (Genesis 50:20).
In the absence of this belligerence and impatience, approximately 42% of the citizenry to be encompassed within Israel, as defined by the 1947 Palestine Partition Plan lines, would have been Arab, thereby constituting a demographic time bomb within the renascent Jewish State.
Now, let us hypothetically assume that neither the Arabs residing within the proposed Jewish State, nor the Arabs residing within the proposed Arab State, nor the Arabs residing within the surrounding Arab states had ever initiated a war of annihilation against the Jewish population centers of the western portion of Mandatory Palestine, but that they had instead simply acquiesced to the creation of Israel within the Palestine Partition Plan lines recommended by U.N. General Assembly Resolution no. 181 (II).
In these circumstances, the State of Israel would have included a huge law-abiding Arab electorate, which, never having warred against Israel, would have remained in place from the outset and, although still constituting a voting minority, would nonetheless have amassed decisive parliamentary power. In such circumstances, Israel’s parliament would not have been able to enact the exclusionist, but morally imperative, Law of Return (which, in implementation of Articles 6 & 7 of the Mandate for Palestine, grants automatic residency and appurtenant citizenship rights to any Jew in the World). For, it is this Law, coupled with the exodus of approximately 600,000 Arab belligerents during Israel’s War of Independence, which (in tandem with an increasing Jewish birthrate) has allowed the Jewish population of Israel to maintain its overwhelming demographic dominance and, consequently, electoral dominance over the extant Arab population thereof. In this context, it is noteworthy that numerous other nations (including such liberal democracies as Ireland, Greece, France, Italy and Germany) have similar laws based upon the principle of ethnic repatriation recognized by the Latin-language legal doctrine known as “Jus Sanguinis” (meaning: “Right of Blood”).
Also, in these circumstances, a miniscule Israel that was not invaded by the Arabs of the proposed Arab State or by the surrounding Arab states would not have fought any War of Independence; and it consequently would not have expanded from its 1947 Palestine Partition Plan lines to its 1949 armistice demarcation lines -- let alone to its present post-1967 minimally-defensible borders.
Consequently, it is likely that such a demographically-challenged Israel (i.e., a country hosting a large, undisturbed and growing Arab population) would have quietly ceased to exist as a Jewish nation-state several generations ago.
That the impatiently belligerent Arabs are themselves principally responsible for the State of Israel’s present entrenchment in the biblical Land of Israel as a Jewish nation-state within minimally-defensible borders is not only ironic but -- more importantly -- also constitutes a grand historic replay of the circumstances under which the Jewish people’s forebears, under the leadership of Joshua, originally returned to and thereafter conquered the Land. As is related in the Hebrew Bible: “Joshua waged war with all of these [Canaanite] kings for a long time. There was not a city that made peace with the Children of Israel except for the Hivvite inhabitants of Gibeon; they [the Hebrews] took everything in battle. For it was from HaShem, to harden their [the Canaanite nations'] hearts towards battle against Israel, in order to destroy them [the Canaanite nations] -- that they not find favor [with the Hebrews] -- so that they would be extirpated [by the Hebrews], as HaShem had commanded Moses.” (Joshua 11:18-20).
SECONDLY, it must be remembered that the collective Will of the international community, as expressed through the pronouncements and actions of the U.N., is not necessarily synonymous with principles of righteousness and enlightenment. The U.N. is, after all, a political body which gives equal weight to the views of pacific democracies and violent dictatorships. This principle of False Moral Equivalency is enshrined in Paragraph 1 of Article 2 of Chapter I (entitled “Purposes And Principles”) of the U.N. Charter, which declares: “The Organization is based on the principle of the sovereign equality of all its Members.” However, even the U.N. itself acknowledges that a malevolent subculture permeates many member States that are embroiled in internecine conflicts. The U.N. Secretariat expresses this acknowledgment through its publication of an annual investigative report compiled by the Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Children and Armed Conflict that, inter alia, lists those member countries which host official and/or private organizations that “… recruit and use children, kill and maim, commit sexual violence or attack schools and hospitals; the so-called List of Shame.” (excerpt of Press Release dated June 11, 2012 from the United Nations Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Children and Armed Conflict). Unsurprisingly, the United Nations’ List of Shame for 2011 comprised more than a dozen member States hosting more than 50 criminal organizations that systematically perpetrate crimes against children in war zones. Obviously, if the U.N. Secretariat were to widen its moral focus to encompass, as well, those member States (whether or not involved in internecine conflicts) that systematically suppress the human rights of their resident (whether child or adult) populations, then its List of Shame would expand exponentially.
The unfortunate but unavoidable equality between democracies and dictatorships throughout the United Nations system is reflected in the composition of its misnamed Security Council, its General Assembly, and all of the U.N.’s constituent committees (such as its Third Committee -- Social, Humanitarian and Cultural Issues), constituent agencies (such as its misnamed Human Rights Council, its misnamed Disarmament Commission and its misnamed International Court of Justice) and affiliated organizations (such as the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, the International Labor Organization and the World Health Organization). Moreover, due to the fact that those nations which are governed by totalitarian regimes (of greater or lesser degree), as well as democracies which attach more importance to their mercantile interests (including their continued access to petroleum and natural gas reserves) than to upholding principles of either Morality or International Law, continue to constitute the vast majority of the membership of the U.N. (and, consequently, the vast majority of the memberships of the constituent agencies and affiliated organizations of the U.N. system), their views predominate and, consequently, tend to represent the amoral (and often immoral) collective Will of the international community.
Yet, how can it be that the same United Nations that endorsed the creation of the Jewish State on November 29, 1947 so stridently attempts to undo that creation? The answer is that, at the time that the U.N. General Assembly approved Resolution no. 181 (II) (Palestine Partition Plan), the U.N. was composed of only 57 member States, a small majority (i.e., 33 member States) of which believed that the creation of a Jewish State was warranted in cis-Jordania (on condition that a new Arab State would also be created therein). However, at the present time, the U.N. is composed of 193 member States, a large majority of which is hostile to Israel. Alternatively stated, if the U.N. in 1947 had been composed of its present membership, then the Palestine Partition Plan would probably never have been approved; instead, the U.N. General Assembly would likely have approved a resolution that endorsed the creation of only an Arab State in cis-Jordania.
In blunt terms, the United Nations system represents rule by mob. Moreover, even without malevolent intent, both Morality and International Law are predictably sidelined as every member State seeks to use the numerous components of the U.N. system to further its own national interests and foreign policy objectives.
By way of stark example, in 1972, the United Nations saw fit to elect as its Secretary-General, Austria's Kurt Waldeim, a former Nazi officer during the Holocaust. Another example of the United Nations’ egregious behavior is its continuing refusal to re-admit as a member State the sovereign nation of Taiwan (formally known as the Republic of China) due solely to the absurd claim advanced by its more powerful adversary China (formally known as the People’s Republic of China) -- one of the five permanent members of the U.N. Security Council – that Taiwan is merely one of its rebellious provinces.
In light of the fact that Muslim nations constitute almost 30% of the U.N.'s membership and, more crucially, are a core component of -- and hold sway over -- both the misnamed “Non-Aligned Movement” (which constitutes more than 60% of the U.N.'s membership) as well as “The Group of 77 and China at the United Nations” (which, comprising 134 developing member States, constitutes more than 69% of the U.N.’s membership), and in light of the fact that the member States of the European Union (hosting an aggregate Muslim minority population estimated at more than 45 million) usually vote as a bloc in support of Muslim-initiated resolutions against the Jewish State, it is not surprising that Israel has been the object of a disproportionate number of U.N.-approved calumnies.
The diplomatic assault against Israel qua the Jewish State consists of three recurring components: Demonization (i.e., Israel is routinely alleged to be Evil), Delegitimization (i.e., Israel is routinely alleged to have been illegally created through a combination of colonialism, land theft, genocide and expulsion) and Double Standard (i.e., Israel is routinely subjected to obsessive and singular scrutiny of its misdeeds, whether real or imagined, whether large or small, while the much greater misdeeds of other U.N. member States are routinely ignored, downplayed or obscured). The long-term objective of this diplomatic assault is to create the moral and legal justifications for the forcible dismantlement of Israel as the nation-state of the Jewish people.
It is not hyperbolic to assert that, since Israel’s admittance thereto in May 1949, the United Nations itself has become the primary engine for producing and disseminating amongst the peoples of the World the avalanche of slanders which have given rise to the notion that, for the sake of Peace, Justice and Stability in the World, Israel qua the Jewish State should not exist.
In fact, almost one third of all resolutions ever issued by the U.N. from the date of Israel's admittance thereto in 1949 to the present time have focused upon and have been condemnatory of the Jewish State and/or Zionism -- the latter constituting the supranational political movement of the Jewish people which was not only endorsed and encouraged by the League of Nations in its Mandate for Palestine, but which continues to embody the philosophical and legal underpinnings of the modern State of Israel until this very Day. Moreover, in recent years, the percentage of U.N. resolutions targeting Israel has dramatically increased. A study conducted by the German newspaper “Bild” found that, in the period 2016 - 2017, of all U.N. General Assembly resolutions directed against a specific country, 77% (in 2016) and 78% (in 2017) of those resolutions were directed against the Jewish State. Furthermore, a review of all condemnatory resolutions ever issued by the U.N. reveals the fact that Israel has been the target of more condemnatory U.N. resolutions than all other member States combined.
By way of example, on November 10, 1975, the U.N. issued its infamous General Assembly Resolution no. 3379 (XXX) (entitled “Elimination of all forms of racial discrimination”), which demonized Zionism by declaring it to be “a form of racism and racial discrimination” and, thereby, objectively Evil. As Zionism is the national liberation movement of the Jewish people and constitutes the philosophical basis for the creation of modern Israel, the transparent purpose of this U.N. Resolution was to repudiate the moral foundations upon which the Jewish State was resurrected. It hardly seems coincidental that this Resolution was issued, at the behest of the international community, on the 37th anniversary of Kristallnacht -- this being the first mass assault organized by Nazi Germany against the Jewish people, during which tens of thousands of Jews were beaten or murdered, as their businesses and homes were confiscated or destroyed, and their synagogues and Torah scrolls were burned to the ground, thereby heralding the incipiency of the Holocaust.
In a candid admission that it is incapable of creating an original idea, the U.N. explicitly noted in its Resolution the prior demand by the World Conference of the International Women’s Year for “the elimination of … Zionism …”, the prior labeling by the Organization of African Unity of Israel as “… the racist regime in occupied Palestine …” and the prior condemnation by the Non-Aligned Movement of “… Zionism as a threat to World peace and security …” as a predicate for its own determination that Zionism -- the international Jewish liberation movement which had been endorsed by the League of Nations in 1920 and by the United Nations in 1947 -- constituted “a form of racism and racial discrimination”.
This Resolution states, in full, as follows:
UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY RESOLUTION 3379 (XXX) Elimination of all forms of racial discrimination
THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY,
RECALLING its resolution 1904 (XVIII) of 20 November 1963, proclaiming the United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, and in particular its affirmation that “any doctrine of racial differentiation or superiority is scientifically false, morally condemnable, socially unjust and dangerous” and its expression of alarm at “the manifestations of racial discrimination still in evidence in some areas in the World, some of which are imposed by certain Governments by means of legislative, administrative or other measures”,
RECALLING ALSO that, in its resolution 3151 G (XXVIII) of 14 December 1973, the General Assembly condemned, inter alia, the unholy alliance between South African racism and Zionism,
TAKING NOTE of the Declaration of Mexico on the Equality of Women and Their Contribution to Development and Peace 1975, proclaimed by the World Conference of the International Women's Year, held at Mexico City from 19 June to 2 July 1975, which promulgated the principle that “international co-operation and peace require the achievement of national liberation and independence, the elimination of colonialism and neo-colonialism, foreign occupation, Zionism, apartheid and racial discrimination in all its forms, as well as the recognition of the dignity of peoples and their right to self-determination”,
TAKING NOTE ALSO of resolution 77 (XII) adopted by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity at its twelfth ordinary session, held at Kampala from 28 July to 1 August 1975, which considered “that the racist regime in occupied Palestine and the racist regime in Zimbabwe and South Africa have a common imperialist origin, forming a whole and having the same racist structure and being organically linked in their policy aimed at repression of the dignity and integrity of the human being”,
TAKING NOTE ALSO of the Political Declaration and Strategy to Strengthen International Peace and Security and to Intensify Solidarity and Mutual Assistance among Non-Aligned Countries, adopted at the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries held at Lima from 25 to 30 August 1975, which most severely condemned Zionism as a threat to World peace and security, and called upon all countries to oppose this racist and imperialist ideology,
DETERMINES that Zionism is a form of racism and racial discrimination.
2400th plenary meeting
10 November 1975
The prior year -- seemingly in preparation for, and in tandem with, its subsequent demonization of Israel -- the U.N. had earlier legitimized and honored the terrorist organization known as the “Palestine Liberation Organization”, which was officially dedicated to Israel’s destruction. The U.N. did this by inviting P.L.O. leader Yasser Arafat to address the opening session of the U.N. at its main headquarters in New York City and by granting Permanent Observer status to the P.L.O. (per U.N. General Assembly Resolution 3237 (XXIX) of November 22, 1974, entitled “Observer status for the Palestine Liberation Organization”) -- the very fount of modern global terrorism -- which, by that time, had already accumulated more Jewish blood on its hands than had any other Reprobate since Nazi Germany. Furthermore, this terror group was also permitted by the international community to establish a World-wide “diplomatic” infrastructure through the establishment of (official and unofficial) “embassies” in virtually every nation, including the United States.
Moreover, the U.N. itself has thereupon established a well-funded official infrastructure for this terror group's benefit via the creation of the following 17 pro-“Palestinian” constituent entities, positions, events and publications:
Special Committee to Investigate Israeli Practices Affecting the Human Rights of the Palestinian People and Other Arabs of the Occupied Territories (which consists of three U.N. member States appointed by the President of the U.N. General Assembly, reporting directly to the U.N. Secretary General concerning, inter alia, Israel’s “violation of human rights in Arab territories occupied by Israel” and Israel’s “disregard of fundamental freedoms and human rights in occupied territories”, per preambulatory subparagraphs (a) and (b) of U.N. General Assembly Resolution no. 2443 (XXIII) of December 19, 1968, entitled “Respect for and implementation of human rights in occupied territories”);
Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People (which, inter alia, issues periodic recommendations to the U.N. General Assembly on achieving the “inalienable rights” of the “Palestinian” people, and which constitutes the only Committee in the U.N. system dedicated exclusively to the agenda of a single group);
Division for Palestinian Rights (which is a special consultative unit established within the Department of Political Affairs of the U.N. Secretariat, and which constitutes the only Secretariat unit in the U.N. system dedicated exclusively to the agenda of a single group);
International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People (which is observed annually on November 29, in lamentation over the issuance of the U.N.'s Palestine Partition Plan on that very date in 1947, and in sympathetic commemoration of the rejection by the recognized leadership of the “Palestinian” Arabs of the Plan's recommendation for the creation of a Jewish State alongside an Arab State therein);
United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (whose acronym is “UNRWA”, which agency was created for the sole purpose of administering international assistance to the “Palestinian” Arab “refugee” population exclusively, while international assistance to all other refugee populations in the World -- without exception -- are administered by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (whose acronym is “UNHCR”), meaning that UNRWA's 28,000 employees assist more than 5 million “Palestinian refugees”, comprised of approximately 30,000 living departees and their foreign-born descendants, including adopted children (whether or not such adoptees are themselves “Palestinian”), in 5 places (i.e., 3 countries, namely, Lebanon, Syria and Jordan, and 2 territories, namely, the “West Bank” and Gaza), while UNHCR must suffice with only 6,300 employees who must assist approximately 55 million non-”Palestinian” refugees in approximately 110 countries -- and, moreover, UNRWA allocates to each “Palestinian refugee” four times the amount of financial aid that UNHCR allocates to each non-“Palestinian” refugee);
The Assistance to the Palestinian People Unit (which, as a unit of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, has been assigned a “specific mandate to monitor and investigate the social and economic impact of policies of the Israeli occupation authorities in the Palestinian territory” per the website of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development);
United Nations Humanitarian Coordinator for the Occupied Palestinian Territory (which, as a unit of the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, periodically publicizes Israel’s “violations” of the “rights” of the “Palestinian” Arabs);
United Nations Human Rights Council’s “Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian Territories occupied by Israel since 1967” (who produces an annual report detailing Israel’s “atrocities” against the “Palestinian” Arabs, thereby rendering the “Palestinians” the only group in favor of which, and Israel the only country against which, the UNHRC has appointed a permanent investigator);
United Nations Human Rights Council’s Agenda Item 7, entitled “Human rights situation in Palestine and other occupied Arab territories” (which constitutes an anti-Israel fest at each and every session of the UNHRC, thereby rendering Israel the only country in the World against which the UNHRC has dedicated a permanent agenda item);
United Nations Ad Hoc Liaison Committee for the Coordination of the International Assistance to Palestinians (which solicits worldwide funding for the Palestinian Authority, which is an instrumentality of the Palestine Liberation Organization);
Office of the United Nations Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process (which, as a field office established under the auspices of the Department of Political Affairs of the U.N. Secretariat, serves as the Personal Representative of the U.N. Secretary-General to the Palestine Liberation Organization and the Palestinian Authority and, through its “Coordinator for Humanitarian and Development Activities in the Occupied Palestinian Territory”, leads the U.N. country team for “Palestine”, consisting of 21 U.N. agencies providing assistance to the “Palestinian” Arabs);
Office of the Quartet, comprising the United Nations, the United States, the European Union and Russia, which (per the heading appearing on every page of its website) is tasked with: “Supporting the Palestinian people to build the institutions and economy of a viable, peaceful state in Gaza and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem”;
United Nations Information System on the Question of Palestine (which is a U.N. archive containing U.N. and non-U.N. pronouncements on the “Question of Palestine” that, in practice, seeks to delegitimize the Jewish people’s sovereign right to Judea, Samaria, the eastern portion of Jerusalem and Gaza in favor of the creation of an Arab State of “Palestine” therein);
United Nations Register of Damage caused by the Construction of the Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (which register was created to catalogue the “damage claims” accumulated by the “Palestinians” against Israel on account of the latter’s construction of a security barrier (90% of which is a sensor fence) to prevent “Palestinian” suicide bombers and other terrorists from perpetuating atrocities against Jewish population centers located within Israel proper);
United Nations Human Rights Council database of companies profiting from the Occupation published by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (commonly known as the “UNHRC Blacklist”), listing those companies that have allegedly facilitated the creation and maintenance of Jewish communities in the Golan Heights, Judea, Samaria and the eastern portion of Jerusalem (which database seeks to stigmatize and thereby financially ruin the companies identified therein); and
United Nations Security Council’s institutionalized anti-Israel events, namely, its (a) monthly meeting on the situation in the Middle East (which focuses on the Jewish State’s alleged violations of international law) and its (b) quarterly open debate under the agenda item labeled as “the situation in the Middle East, including the Palestinian question” (which also focuses on the Jewish State’s alleged violations of international law).
The U.N. has permitted its “Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People” to grant U.N. accreditation to non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that formally avow a human rights agenda, but, in reality, expend virtually all of their resources to demonize the State of Israel under the imprimatur of the United Nations. Such U.N. accreditation has allowed these NGOs to savage the Jewish State via the official websites of myriad U.N. agencies and affiliated organizations, as well as through the U.N.’s many conferences and publications. For example, in March 2010 (just before the Passover holiday that year), the United Nations Human Rights Council permitted the Libya-created and U.N.-accredited NGO known as “The International Organization for the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination” to post an allegation on the UNHRC website that Israel habitually kidnaps and murders “Palestinians” for the purpose of harvesting and selling their internal organs -- a blood libel reminiscent of the claim that Jews used to ritually murder Gentile children in order to use their blood as an essential ingredient in the creation of Passover matzah. And, in March 2012, after promoting the event on its website, the United Nations Human Rights Council permitted the Sudan-created and U.N.-accredited NGO known as “The Ma’arij Foundation for Peace and Development” to invite a “human rights” spokesman for the terrorist organization Hamas to give a speech at the European headquarters of the United Nations in which he accused Israel of perpetrating genocide against the “Palestinians”. The U.N. has even permitted its “Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People” to create an official “NGO Network on the Question of Palestine” in order to more efficiently coordinate the activities of these anti-Israel NGOs. In furtherance of this goal, the U.N. has authorized its “Division for Palestinian Rights” to publish a U.N. newsletter known as “NGO Action News” which publicizes the activities of these anti-Israel NGOs.
Many of these anti-Israel NGOs are linked to terrorist organizations. For example, Addameer, Al-Haq, the Alternative Information Center, the Defense for Children International – Palestine, the Health Work Committee, Stop the Wall, the Palestinian Center for Human Rights and the Union of Agricultural Work Committees -- which receive funding from the United Nations and/or the European Union and/or individual States and/or international charities (e.g., Christian Aid) -- are operated and/or staffed by terrorists from the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, a member organization of the Palestine Liberation Organization. Ironically but unsurprisingly, some of these terrorist-linked NGOs (e.g., Addameer and Al-Haq) collaborated with the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights in the creation of the UNHRC Blacklist, which was released in February 2020. Absurdly, the Blacklist targets not only those companies that provide goods and services primarily to the Jewish residents of the Golan Heights and the “West Bank”, but also those companies that provide essential services (e.g., potable water, natural gas and electricity) to all of the residents of those territories.
Furthermore, on or about November 29 of each year, in an annual ritual which serves as a continuing Act of Contrition for its endorsement of Jewish statehood on that date in 1947, the United Nations General Assembly issues approximately 20 resolutions condemning the State of Israel. In this way, the U.N. publicly repudiates its Palestine Partition Plan each and every year. For example, on or about November 29, 2014, the UN General Assembly passed 20 resolutions that explicitly condemned Israel, but -- during that entire year -- only four resolutions that explicitly or implicitly criticized other States (namely, one each relating to North Korea, Iran, Syria and Ukraine).
Moreover, in a brilliant but perverse scheme to forever maintain the existence of a large “refugee” population and to forever depict Israel in the worst possible light, the U.N. has permitted its United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (“UNRWA”) to employ a unique definition of “refugee” -- which has never been applied to any other displaced population in the World -- to encompass not only those “Palestinian” Arabs who actually departed Israel before or during its War of Independence, but, as well, all of such refugees’ foreign-born descendants, including adopted children (whether or not such adoptees are themselves “Palestinians”). By allowing non-refugee progeny and non-refugee adoptees of “Palestinian refugees” to inherit refugee status, the United Nations has caused the present “Palestinian refugee” population to be officially numbered at more than 5,000,000 people (which number must necessarily increase over time, as it is based upon perpetual multigenerational expansion -- and it does so at the approximated rate of 10,000 per month), rather than at its more accurate number of approximately 30,000 living departees (which number must necessarily decrease over time as this population continues to age and die). However, even that smaller number inflates the number of actual refugees, as determined by the standard definition of a refugee utilized by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (“UNHCR”), which -- in the case of the “Palestinians” -- would encompass only those presently-living “Palestinians” who departed Israel before or during its War of Independence and who have not been permanently resettled elsewhere. This is because, while UNHCR is mandated to prepare its refugee populations for permanent resettlement in accepting countries, UNRWA is mandated to prepare its “refugee” population exclusively for repatriation to an unaccepting country, namely, Israel -- a mandate ensuring that UNRWA will continue to be used by the U.N. system as one of its many weapons against the Jewish State. For, so fanatical is UNRWA about its repatriation mandate that, in a huge deviation from the international norm established by UNHCR, UNRWA refuses to deregister the approximated 2,000,000 “Palestinian refugees” who reside in Jordan as Jordanian citizens and another approximated 2,000,000 “Palestinian refugees” who already reside in their internationally-recognized “homeland” (i.e., within the boundaries of the U.N. General Assembly-recognized “State of Palestine”, to wit: the “West Bank” and Gaza), which deregistration would reduce the swollen number of UNRWA-registered “Palestinian refugees” by 80%. By extrapolation, this means that the actual number of “Palestinian refugees” who would qualify as refugees under the UNHCR definition is approximately 6,000 living departees (i.e., 30,000 living departees x .20, being the extrapolated percentage of those approximated living departees who neither reside in Jordan as Jordanian citizens nor reside in the “West Bank” and Gaza), rather than approximately 5,000,000 people -- and increasing. Consequently, UNRWA exists only to perpetuate rather than to resolve the issue of “Palestinian refugees”.
UNRWA was created in order to implement one provision of nonbinding General Assembly Resolution no. 194 (III) of December 11, 1948 (document no. A/RES/194 (III), entitled “Palestine - progress report of the United Nations Mediator”), which, at Section 11 thereof, demands that Israel allow entry of the irredentist and revanchist “Palestinian refugee” population into the small territory of Israel proper (i.e., Israel within its former 1949 armistice demarcation lines). Since the international community presently numbers this hostile population at more than 5,000,000 million people, Israel’s compliance with this demand and with the international community’s corollary demand that Israel bestow citizenship on these new immigrants would soon lead to the Jewish State’s demise via a combination of Demography and War. Section 11 of that Resolution states, in full, as follows:
11. Resolves that the refugees wishing to return to their homes and live at peace with their neighbours should be permitted to do so at the earliest practicable date, and that compensation should be paid for the property of those choosing not to return and for loss of or damage to property which, under principles of international law or in equity, should be made good by the Governments or authorities responsible;
Instructs the Conciliation Commission to facilitate the repatriation, resettlement and economic and social rehabilitation of the refugees and the payment of compensation, and to maintain close relations with the Director of the United Nations Relief for Palestine Refugees and, through him, with the appropriate organs and agencies of the United Nations;
The global call for Israel to permit the entry of these belligerents and their multigenerational descendants and adoptees stands in stark contrast to the lack of any call, by the U.N. or any lesser international organization, for the Czech Republic and Poland to permit the re-entry of millions of ethnic Germans (let alone their multigenerational descendants and/or adoptees) who, from 1945 to 1947, were expelled from their respective ancestral homelands in the Sudetenland (approximately 3,000,000 expelled) and Silesia (approximately 3,500,000 expelled); and these people were not even expelled during the chaos of World War II, but only after that conflict had already terminated. Furthermore, by continuing to insist that the worldwide “Palestinian” diaspora pour into Israel proper rather than into a nascent State of Palestine, the “Palestinians” have continued to belie and subvert their self-declared raison d’être for the creation of such a sovereign entity, namely, that the imperative needs of a homeless “Palestinian” people require that a separate and distinct nation-state be set aside for them. In fact, so dedicated is the P.L.O. to its demand that millions of hostile “Palestinians” be permitted to immigrate, as of right, to the Jewish State that, not only has the P.L.O. declared that the future “State of Palestine” will refuse entry to expatriate “Palestinian refugees” (i.e., those “Palestinians” presently residing in Jordan, Syria, Lebanon and elsewhere outside of “Palestine”), but it has also declared that the future “State of Palestine” will neither grant citizenship nor issue passports nor provide other governmental services (e.g., housing, healthcare, food, education, etc.) to “Palestinian refugees” already residing in “Palestine” (including those born and continuously domiciled in the “West Bank” or Gaza), meaning that more than 40% of the population of the future “State of Palestine” will continue to be stateless, will continue to be completely dependent upon aid from international organizations (e.g., UNRWA) and will continue to be held in apartheid conditions -- unless and until they emigrate to Israel. Of course, exceptions to this harsh policy have already been made (and will continue to be made) for influential “Palestinian refugees”, such as P.L.O. Chairman and Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas (who was born in Safed, Israel). By means of this subterfuge, denominated as the “Palestinian Right Of Return”, the “Palestinians” thereby seek the eventual existence of, not one “Palestinian” State, but rather three (or, under present circumstances, four) “Palestinian” States, namely, (1) the preexisting “Palestinian”-majority Jordan, (2) a new State to be called “Palestine” (which new State -- due to the fact that the Palestine Liberation Organization qua the Palestinian Authority rules portions of the “West Bank”, while its rival Hamas rules Gaza -- will actually comprise two separate “Palestines”) and (3) a “Palestinian”-inundated Israel. Furthermore, “Palestine” would constitute the 21st (or, under present circumstances, the 21st and 22nd) Arab State(s) in the World. Moreover, it is noteworthy that the very demand for such a “right of return” strips naked the blood libel that Israel is perpetrating acts of genocide against the “Palestinians”. For, if Israel were actually in the process of annihilating the “Palestinians”, then the “Palestinian” leadership would have surely ceased demanding in every international forum that its “refugees” be permitted to immigrate to the Jewish State.
It is both ironic and hypocritical that, although the Arab World and its allies now demand that Israel comply with this nonbinding Resolution, at the time of the Resolution’s enactment every Arab country which was then a member of the United Nations (namely, Egypt, Iraq, Lebanon, Saudi Arabia, Syria, and Yemen) voted against it -- presumably due to their collective rejection of the Resolution’s explicit demand, as set forth in Sections 7 & 8 thereof, that the holy sites of the eastern portion of Jerusalem and Bethlehem, then occupied by a fellow Arab country (i.e., Transjordan), be placed under permanent U.N. control. So, to be more precise -- as Bethlehem is presently governed by the P.L.O. qua the Palestinian Authority, and as the eastern portion of Jerusalem is treated by the international community as if it belongs to the P.L.O. -- the international community seeks only partial compliance with this nonbinding Resolution, namely, compliance by Israel with Section 11 thereof (which provision poses grave demographic and security threats to Israel’s continued existence), but not compliance by the P.L.O. with Sections 7 & 8 thereof.
In effect, the United Nations has created -- via UNRWA and other components of the U.N. system -- a powerful institutional infrastructure whose only purpose is to demonize and to thereby delegitimize the one and only Jewish State in the World. Consequently, Israel is the only member State of the United Nations which is confronted by an ongoing institutional campaign against its existence that is being waged and financed (in part from its own membership dues) by that very organization. Moreover, due to the United Nations’ obsessive attention to all manner of “Palestinian” demands and grievances against Israel, that organization has virtually ignored the catastrophic conditions obtaining elsewhere in the World (to wit: inter-ethnic genocide, pestilence, flooding, drought and famine in sub-Saharan Africa and much of Asia, all of which has adversely affected -- and continues to adversely affect -- hundreds of millions of people).
In 1988, the Palestine Liberation Organization declared Judea, Samaria, the eastern portion of Jerusalem and Gaza to be the “State of Palestine”. Taking its cue from that terrorist group, and in order to make its disdain for the Jewish people’s rights under the Mandate for Palestine even clearer, the U.N. obediently upgraded the official designation of the “Palestinian” diplomatic delegation from the “Permanent Observer Mission of the Palestine Liberation Organization to the United Nations” to the “Permanent Observer Mission of Palestine to the United Nations”, despite the fact that no such sovereign country then (or has ever) existed.
In 1991, the United States (at the direction of President George H.W. Bush) coerced Israel into attending the multi-session Madrid Peace Conference, during which the “Palestinians” (including members of the P.L.O.) were incorporated into the Jordanian delegation. That process eventually resulted in direct negotiations between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization, sponsored by the United States (at the direction of President William Clinton). These negotiations spawned a series of interim agreements (from 1993 through 1999), the first two of these being commonly known as the “Oslo Accords”, which, inter alia, established (and bestowed Israel’s legitimacy upon) the autonomous Palestinian Authority as an instrumentality of the P.L.O., and effectuated the possessory transfer by Israel to the Palestinian Authority of 42% of Judea and Samaria (containing 98% of the Arab population thereof) and of 80% of Gaza (containing virtually 100% of the Arab population thereof). Per the second part of the Oslo Accords at Article XI (entitled “Land”) of Chapter 2 (entitled “Redeployment and Security Arrangements”) of the “Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement on the West Bank and the Gaza Strip” dated September 28, 1995 (commonly known as “Oslo II”), for purposes of governance, Judea and Samaria were divided by Israel and the P.L.O. into three territorial units: Area A (in which the P.A. would exercise both civil rule over the population and security oversight with respect to that territory), Area B (in which the P.A. would exercise civil rule over the population, and Israel would exercise security oversight with respect to that territory) and Area C (in which Israel would exercise both military rule and security oversite). Unfortunately, by providing the P.L.O. with a territorial base adjacent to Jewish population centers and by permitting the creation of a de facto “Palestinian” army (which was officially, but falsely, labeled as a civilian police force) within the transferred territories, Israel itself facilitated an unprecedented wave of murder and mayhem by various Arab terrorist groups (including all of the major components of the P.L.O.), against its Jewish population centers through 2003. Moreover, by permitting the creation of and conferring its recognition upon this hostile Arab entity, and by transferring Jewish territory thereto, Israel also enabled the creation of a virtually-unbreakable patronage relationship between the United States and the Palestinian Authority, legitimized international funding of the Palestinian Authority (amounting to many billions of dollars since 1994), and facilitated an ever more successful diplomatic onslaught against itself by the Palestinian Authority masquerading as the “Occupied State of Palestine”. Although, prior to the creation of the Oslo Accords, almost 100 nations had already accorded diplomatic recognition to the territory-bereft P.L.O. as the “Occupied State of Palestine”, the subsequent creation of the territory-controlling Palestinian Authority (acting as an instrumentality of the P.L.O.) has enabled many more nations to diplomatically justify doing so.
Two notable achievements in the Palestinian Authority’s diplomatic war against Israel were the illegal admission of the P.L.O. qua the “State of Palestine” to a U.N.-affiliated organization -- the “United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization” (whose acronym is “UNESCO”) -- as a “member State” thereof in October 2011 and the subsequent upgrading by the U.N. of the diplomatic status of the P.L.O. qua “Palestine” from the “Permanent Observer Mission of Palestine” to the “Non-Member Observer State of Palestine” in November 2012 per its overwhelming approval of U.N. General Assembly Resolution no. 67/19, entitled “Status of Palestine in the United Nations” (with 138 member States voting “in favour”, 9 member States voting “against”, 41 member States voting “abstain”, and 5 member States being “absent”), thereby granting to that umbrella terrorist group the same diplomatic status as was previously granted to the Vatican (formally known as the “Holy See”). Although still denied membership in the U.N. (due to the P.L.O.’s inability to obtain the votes of the required supermajority in the U.N. Security Council), this upgraded status nonetheless has enabled the P.L.O. qua the “State of Palestine” to subsequently be admitted to all U.N.-affiliated organizations as a voting member thereof. While, in 2011, UNESCO chose to violate its own charter in order to permit membership to an entity not yet recognized as a State by the U.N., the P.L.O.’s subsequent upgrade in diplomatic status from a Mission to a State removed that legal obstacle.
Consequently, on January 7, 2015, this status upgrade enabled the P.L.O. qua the “State of Palestine” to accede to the treaty of July 17, 1998 that created the U.N.-affiliated “International Criminal Court” (which treaty is formally known as the “Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court”, identified as U.N. Doc. A/CONF.183/9, and is commonly known as the “Rome Statute”), which Court has arrogated to itself the authority to indict, extradite, try, convict and imprison, not only any person residing within any member State of the Treaty, but -- (per Rome Statute, Part 5, Article 13) if a complaint is submitted (a) by any member State of the Treaty or (b) by the U.N. Security Council under Chapter VII of the U.N. Charter or (c) by the Prosecutor of the Court -- also any person residing within any non-member State (such as Israel), for that person’s alleged perpetration (per Rome Statute, Part 2, Article 5, Paragraph 1) of “the crime of genocide” or “crimes against humanity” or “war crimes” or “the crime of aggression” that allegedly took place within the territory of any member State.
Inter alia, this means that, by recognizing the P.L.O. as a State, the United Nations has enabled a terrorist group (and any of their member-State allies) to invoke the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court to indict, extradite, try, convict and imprison, not only the Jewish State’s political and military leaders for allegedly committing a plethora of “crimes” in the “State of Palestine”, but also each and every Jewish resident of Judea, Samaria and the eastern portion of Jerusalem for the passive activity of merely living in their homes (as they are accomplices to and beneficiaries of the “criminal” settlement activities conducted by Israeli government officials). For, the Rome Statute’s definition of “war crimes” includes, inter alia:
“The transfer, directly or indirectly, by the Occupying Power of parts of its own civilian population into the territory it occupies, or the deportation or transfer of all or parts of the population of the occupied territory within or outside this territory” (Rome Statute, Part 2, Article 8(2)(b)(viii)).
Based upon the fallacious consensus by most of the World that Israel is occupying “Palestine”, the insertion of the broad phrase “directly or indirectly” into the “war crimes” provision of the Rome Statute of 1998, which phrase does not appear in Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949, was intended to criminalize any facilitation of Jewish residency in Judea, Samaria and the eastern portion of Jerusalem (as well as in Gaza and the Golan Heights). However, perhaps more importantly, the insertion of this phrase into the “war crimes” provision of the Rome Statute also represents an implicit acknowledgment by the international community that the language of Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention does not bar Israel -- even if it were occupying “Palestine” -- from facilitating the voluntary relocation of Jews to Judea, Samaria and the eastern portion of Jerusalem (as well as in Gaza and the Golan Heights). It is noteworthy, that while Israel is a member State of the Fourth Geneva Convention, it (as well as several other countries, including the United States) is not a member State of the Rome Statute. The reason for Israel’s rejection of the Rome Statute was the belief, subsequently proven true, that the Court, being a component of the U.N. system, would quickly become as politicized -- and consequently as biased against Israel -- as is the rest of the U.N. system.
Already in January 2013 (based upon the December 2012 complaint issued by the “State of Palestine” to the U.N. Secretary-General and to the U.N. Security Council, which asserted that the very existence of Jewish communities and neighborhoods in Judea, Samaria and the eastern portion of Jerusalem constituted prosecutable war crimes under the Rome Statute) the “Report of the independent international fact-finding mission to investigate the implications of the Israeli settlements on the civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights of the Palestinian people throughout the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem” (document number A/HRC/22/63, commissioned by the U.N. Human Rights Council) predictably concluded that the existence of Jewish communities on the eastern side of Israel’s former 1949 armistice demarcation line with Jordan (fka Transjordan) were war crimes (per paragraphs 17 & 104 of the Report).
Moreover, in December 2018, the “Assembly of State Parties of the International Criminal Court” elected a judicial representative of the P.L.O. qua the “State of Palestine” to its eight-member Judicial Selection Committee, meaning that a terrorist organization was granted unprecedented influence over the composition of the Court. This influence is likely to be employed, not only to persuade the Court to prosecute Israeli military and political figures who dare to defend Israel against terrorist attacks emanating from the territory of the fictional “State of Palestine”, but also to prosecute Israelis who dare to reside within that territory.
The foregoing juridical sanitization of this terrorist organization is hardly surprising, as the “General Assembly of Interpol” (which is formally known as the “International Criminal Police Organization” and is the World’s largest international police organization) had earlier -- in September 2017 -- admitted the P.L.O. qua the “State of Palestine” as a member State thereof.
Furthermore, in January 2019, the U.N. General Assembly, in a paean to this terrorist organization, elected Mahmoud Abbas, in his capacity as Chairman of the P.L.O. qua the “State of Palestine”, as the President of the 134-member organization known as “The Group of 77 and China at the United Nations”, which is the largest bloc of member States in the U.N.
Subsequently, in June 2019, the U.N.-affiliated “International Atomic Energy Agency” (which is the administrator of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty) accepted the P.L.O. qua the “State of Palestine” as a member State thereof.
Earlier, in November 2013, the U.N. celebrated its prior year’s illusory creation of the “State of Palestine” by issuing General Assembly Resolution no. 68/12, entitled “Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People”, which proclaimed 2014 to be the “International Year of Solidarity with the Palestinian People” and requested the “Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People” to organize international activities in furtherance of that proclamation. The first international event in celebration of the “International Year of Solidarity with the Palestinian People” took place at U.N.’s main headquarters in New York City on January 20, 2014, just days before the U.N.’s observance of the “International Day of Commemoration in Memory of the Victims of the Holocaust” on January 27, 2014. In honor of the intersection of, and in order to synthesize, these two ostensibly unrelated international events, the “Palestinian” event showcased a film entitled “Where Should The Birds Fly?”, which depicted Israeli soldiers as Nazis intent upon committing genocide against the “Palestinians”.
Earlier, in 1991, as its quid-pro-quo for Israel’s participation in the Madrid Peace Conference, the United States had exerted sufficient economic and diplomatic pressure against both the United Nations and individual member States to convince the U.N. General Assembly to repeal its Antisemitic “Zionism is Racism” Resolution no. 3379 (XXX). In fact, 111 member States out of a then total U.N. membership of 166 states voted for the repeal, representing almost 67% of the General Assembly. Conversely, despite the intense U.S. pressure, one third of the General Assembly rejected the repeal.
Yet, as evidenced by the foregoing as well as by the following, the very sentiment which permeated this repealed U.N. resolution and which caused the U.N. to bestow international diplomatic status upon a terrorist organization dedicated to the Jewish State's annihilation still prevails among most of the membership of the U.N., as is amply evidenced by the post-repeal work product of the U.N., its constituent agencies and affiliated organizations, and its official publications and conferences, such as the misnamed “World Conference Against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance” (held in Durban, South Africa in 2001 under the official auspices of the U.N. Human Rights Commission, predecessor to the U.N. Human Rights Council), during which Zionism and the State of Israel were singled out as the main foci of Evil in the World. Another example of the enduring hostility within the U.N. system towards the very existence of the Jewish State is to be found in the United Nations Development Programme’s “Arab Human Development Report 2004 -- Towards Freedom in the Arab World”, which (at page 12 thereof) partially blames the creation of Israel for the lack of democracy and the suppression of human rights in the Arab World.
Furthermore, although, from the date of Israel's admittance thereto in May 1949 until the Fall of 2005, the U.N. and its myriad components and affiliates have issued reams of resolutions and reports condemning Israel by name for every measure of self-preservation and/or lawful entitlement (whether acting, in however restrained a manner, to defend itself against terrorism, invasion and annihilation or permitting Jews to reside in Judea, Samaria, the eastern portion of Jerusalem and Gaza); and, yet, during this very same period, neither the U.N. nor any of its component agencies has ever condemned by name any nation or terrorist organization for aggressing against Israel or Diaspora Jews. However, in the Fall of 2005, under intense pressure from the United States (directed by then President George W. Bush), the United Nations Security Council did, for the very first time, and in two separate instances, somewhat condemn -- or at least acknowledge the existence of -- aggression against Israel.
In the first instance, on October 26, 2005, Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, speaking at a government-sponsored conference held in Tehran entitled “A World Without Zionism” enunciated Iran’s intention to annihilate the Jewish State, declaring in salient part: “The establishment of the State of Israel was an offensive move. The Islamic nation will not let its historic enemy live in its midst. … Very soon, this stain of disgrace will vanish from the center of the Islamic World; and this is attainable. … Our dear Imam [the late Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, founder of the Islamic Republic of Iran] said that the occupying regime must be wiped off the Map, and this was a very wise statement.” -- this at time when Iran was already in the midst of developing nuclear weapons in violation of the international “Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons” (commonly known as the “Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty”), to which treaty it is a signatory. Subsequently, this sentiment has been frequently reiterated at the highest levels of the Iranian government and military forces. For example, it was repeated on November 8, 2014 by Iran’s “Supreme Leader” Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who published (via the Twitter Internet Service) the following declaration: “This barbaric, wolflike & infanticidal regime of #Israel which spares no crime has no cure but to be annihilated.”
In response to the stated goal of one U.N. member State to eradicate another U.N. member State, more than 6 weeks passed after Iran’s annihilationist declaration of 2005 before the U.N. Security Council finally issued a tepid statement on the matter that dealt more with Iran’s penchant for denying the prior Nazi-era Holocaust than with its intention to perpetrate a future Islamic-era Holocaust. It is noteworthy that the U.N.’s statement neither condemned Iran (in whose name, and on whose behalf, its President had officially spoken) nor even its President, but only “remarks about Israel” (which were not further described in the U.N. statement); and even these unspecified remarks were gingerly described as being merely “attributed to” the President of Iran rather than as having actually been uttered by him. This lackluster response by the U.N. is even more troubling when one considers that the U.N. had thereby shirked its obligation to enforce its own “Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide” (enacted per U.N. General Assembly Resolution no. 260 (III) of December 9, 1948, and commonly known as the “Genocide Convention”), to which convention Iran is also a signatory. Article III of the Genocide Convention states, in salient part, as follows: “The following acts shall be punishable: … (c) Direct and public incitement to commit genocide; …” Article IV of the Genocide Convention states as follows: “Persons committing genocide or any of the other acts enumerated in Article III shall be punished, whether they are constitutionally responsible rulers, public officials or private individuals.” Although Israel could itself have demanded of the United Nations that Iran’s President (or Iran’s “Supreme Leader”) be indicted, extradited and tried under the Genocide Convention, such has been the Jewish State’s lack of confidence in the U.N. that -- in order to avoid the humiliation of being ignored -- it did not hazard the effort.
Below is the media statement issued by the U.N. Security Council’s Department of Public Information, News and Media Division (U.N. document no. SC/8576 of December 9, 2005) in response to Iran’s 2005 threat to annihilate Israel:
SECURITY COUNCIL PRESS STATEMENT ON REMARKS BY IRAN ’S PRESIDENT
The following press statement on the remarks by the President of Iran was delivered today by Security Council President Emyr Jones Parry (United Kingdom):
The members of the Security Council condemn the remarks about Israel and the denial of the Holocaust attributed to Dr. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, President of the Islamic Republic of Iran.
The members of the Security Council fully support the Secretary-General's statement of 8 December, in which he recalled that the General Assembly had recently adopted a resolution rejecting denial of the Holocaust as a historical event, either in full or in part, and urged all Member States to educate their populations about the Holocaust.
The members of the Security Council reaffirm the rights and obligations of the State of Israel as a full and long-standing Member of the United Nations, and reaffirm that, under the United Nations Charter, all Members have undertaken to refrain from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State.
For information media • not an official record
Unsurprisingly, the U.N. Security Council has rarely condemned Iran’s frequent annihilationist threats against the Jewish State.
In the second instance, on November 21, 2005 (which event was subsequently replicated -- this time successfully -- on July 12, 2006 in an assault which initiated the Second Lebanon War), the Hezbollah terror group unsuccessfully attempted to infiltrate the Jewish State in order to kill and kidnap Israeli soldiers under the cover of a mortar and rocket bombardment that it had simultaneously launched from southern Lebanon against northern Israel’s civilian population centers.
In response, and after days of contentious debate (during which time period United States Department of State spokesman Sean McCormack, under the presidency of George W. Bush, condemned Hezbollah by name, but simultaneously urged Israel to limit its military response in order to avoid any “escalation” of tensions in the region), the U.N. Security Council ultimately agreed to acknowledge and identify Hezbollah as the aggressor, but without using that pejorative label and without using any language of condemnation. Likewise, the Security Council failed to condemn the roles of any of the 3 nations without whose support that terror group could not exist, let alone launch deadly attacks against Israel, namely, the states of Lebanon (in whose parliament Hezbollah members sit and in whose government Hezbollah members hold office, and from whose territory that terror group operates without hindrance), Iran (which directs the activities of Hezbollah by sending huge amounts of money and weaponry to Syria for re-delivery to that terror group in Lebanon), and Syria (which also exercises control over the activities of Hezbollah by re-delivering Iranian money and weaponry to it, by providing its own weaponry to it, and by maintaining auxiliary weapons depots for it in Syrian territory).
Below is the media statement issued by the U.N. Security Council’s Department of Public Information, News and Media Division (U.N. document no. SC/8563 of November 23, 2005) in response to Hezbollah’s 2005 attack against Israel:
SECURITY COUNCIL PRESS STATEMENT ON INCIDENTS ALONG BLUE LINE SEPARATING ISRAEL, LEBANON
Following is the Security Council press statement on the 21 November Blue Line incidents, delivered today by Council President Andrey I. Denisov (Russian Federation):
The members of the Security Council received a briefing on 21 November 2005 from the Department of Peacekeeping Operations on the serious incidents along the Blue Line on that day.
The members of the Council expressed deep concern about the hostilities, which were initiated by Hizbollah from the Lebanese side, and which quickly spread along the entire Blue Line. They regretted the resulting casualties on both sides.
They appealed to all parties to respect the Blue Line in its entirety, to exercise utmost restraint and to refrain from any action that could further escalate the situation.
They reiterated their call on the Government of Lebanon to extend its authority and to exert its monopoly over the use of force all over its territory in accordance with Security Council resolutions.
For information media • not an official record
It is disturbing but unsurprising that, in the foregoing media statement, the Security Council declared that it “regretted the resulting casualties on both sides”, thereby choosing to morally equate dead terrorists with slain Israeli soldiers. It is inconceivable, were Israel to bombard Lebanese villages with mortars and rockets as cover for breaching the Lebanese border in order to kill and kidnap Lebanese soldiers, that the U.N. Security Council would declare that it “regretted the resulting casualties on both sides”.
Significantly, these two media statements by the Security Council were not subsequently converted into resolutions of either the Security Council or the General Assembly, thereby patently signaling to Iran, Syria, Lebanon and Hezbollah, as well as to the rest of the World, that these statements were meant to be ephemeral as well as perfunctory.
Shortly thereafter, on November 29, 2005, the leadership of the United Nations removed all ambiguity regarding its attitude towards the Jewish State. As part of its official annual observance of the “International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People”, the U.N. held a conference at its headquarters in New York City, jointly hosted by its three foremost officials, namely, the Secretary-General (Kofi Annan), the President of the Security Council (Russia, acting through its Permanent Representative to the United Nations Andrey Denisov) and the President of the General Assembly (Jan Eliasson), which unabashedly displayed a gigantic U.N.-produced map of the Middle East which had erased the entire State of Israel and had replaced it with a fictional “State of Palestine”.
Moreover, in the aftermath of the horrific suicide bombing in Netanya by the Islamic Jihad terror group on December 5, 2005, the U.N. Security Council refused, despite Israel’s urgent request, to issue any statement condemning Islamic Jihad (as perpetrator) and/or the Palestinian Authority (as enabler).
In fact, the United Nations has never condemned the Palestinian Authority, the Palestine Liberation Organization or any “Palestinian” terror group for any act of violence against Israelis or Diaspora Jews. Consequently, it appears that those few examples of the United Nations defending (however halfheartedly) Israel’s entitlement to exist, free from annihilationist threat, are merely the rare exceptions that prove the general rule, which is that the United Nations is simply unwilling to accord to Israel the same rights and protections that it routinely guaranties under its Charter to all other member States.
A particularly egregious example of this hypocrisy occurred in the Fall of 2003, when the Third Committee of the U.N. General Assembly (which forum deals with social, humanitarian and cultural issues) overwhelmingly approved Egypt’s draft resolution, entitled “Situation of and assistance to Palestinian children”, demanding that “Palestinian” children be protected from Israeli aggression, but thwarted a vote on Israel’s mirror-image draft resolution entitled “Situation of and assistance to Israeli children”, demanding that Israeli children be protected from “Palestinian” aggression. This subterfuge was accomplished when Egypt, being assured of majority support in the Third Committee, introduced amendments to Israel’s draft resolution which were so extensive that Israel’s draft resolution received a new title, namely, “The situation of and assistance to children in the Middle East Region”, and suffered a complete substitution of its pertinent preambulatory and operative provisions, with the result that it was transformed into a draft resolution which now lacked any reference to Israeli children and condemned the Jewish State as the “Occupying power”.
A more detailed account of this episode will serve to demonstrate the extent to which Israel has been an object of disdain and humiliation at the United Nations:
On October 28, 2003, Israel’s “peace partner” Egypt (joined by 37 other countries plus the Permanent Observer of “Palestine”) introduced draft resolution no. A/C.3/58/L.24 during the 58th session of the Third Committee (under agenda item 113), entitled “Situation of and assistance to Palestinian children”. The Egyptian draft resolution stated, in full, as follows:
Situation of and assistance to Palestinian children
The General Assembly,
Recalling the Convention on the Rights of the Child,
Recalling also the World Declaration on the Survival, Protection and Development of Children and the Plan of Action for Implementing the World Declaration on the Survival, Protection and Development of Children in the 1990s, adopted by the World Summit for Children, held in New York on 29 and 30 September 1990,
Recalling further the Declaration and Plan of Action adopted by the General Assembly at its twenty-seventh special session,
Concerned that the Palestinian children under Israeli occupation remain deprived of many basic rights under the Convention,
Concerned also about the continued grave deterioration of the situation of Palestinian children in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and about the severe consequences of the continuing Israeli assaults and sieges on Palestinian cities, towns, villages and refugee camps, resulting in the dire humanitarian crisis,
Emphasizing the importance of the safety and well-being of all children in the whole Middle East region,
Expressing its condemnation of all acts of violence, resulting in extensive loss of human life and injuries, including among Palestinian children,
Deeply concerned about the severe consequences, including psychological consequences, of the Israeli military actions for the present and future well-being of Palestinian children,
1. Stresses the urgent need for Palestinian children to live a normal life free from foreign occupation, destruction and fear in their own State;
2. Demands, in the meanwhile, that Israel, the occupying Power, respect relevant provisions of the Convention on the Rights of the Child and comply fully with the provisions of the Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, of 12 August 1949, in order to ensure the well-being and protection of Palestinian children and their families;
3. Calls upon the international community to provide urgently needed assistance and services in an effort to alleviate the dire humanitarian crisis being faced by Palestinian children and their families and to help in the reconstruction of relevant Palestinian institutions.
Fifteen days later, on November 12, 2003, Israel (bereft of any co-sponsors) introduced draft resolution no. A/C.3/58/L.30/Rev.1 during the 58th session of the Third Committee (under agenda item 117(b)), entitled “Situation of and assistance to Israeli children”. The Israeli draft resolution stated, in full, as follows:
Situation of and assistance to Israeli children
The General Assembly,
Recalling the Convention on the Rights of the Child and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,
Recalling also the World Declaration on the Survival, Protection and Development of Children and the Plan of Action for Implementing the World Declaration on the Survival, Protection and Development of Children in the 1990s, adopted by the World Summit for Children, held in New York on 29 and 30 September 1990,
Recalling further the Declaration and Plan of Action adopted by the General Assembly at its twenty-seventh special session,
Emphasizing the importance of the safety and well-being of all children in the whole Middle East region,
Concerned that Israeli children suffering from the effects of terrorism are deprived of many basic rights under the Convention,
Concerned also about the continuous grave threat to Israeli children from terrorism, and about the severe consequences of continuing terrorist attacks by terrorist groups such as Hamas, Islamic Jihad and the Al Aqsa Martyrs' Brigade directed against Israeli civilians, including children,
Expressing its condemnation of all acts of violence and incitement to violence and terrorism, resulting in extensive loss of human life and injuries, including among Israeli children,
Deeply concerned about the severe consequences, including psychological consequences, of terrorist attacks on the present and future well-being of Israeli children,
1. Stresses the urgent need for Israeli children to live a normal life free from terrorism, destruction and fear;
2. Demands that the Palestinian Authority respect its obligations to undertake effective operations aimed at confronting all those engaged in terror and the dismantlement of terrorist capabilities and infrastructure and to guarantee that those responsible for terrorist acts are brought to justice.
Six days later, on November 18, 2003, in order to garner more support for its draft resolution, Israel introduced revised draft resolution no. A/C.3/58/L.30/Rev.2 during the 58th session of the Third Committee (under agenda item 117(b)) which deleted the sixth preambulatory paragraph of its draft resolution (which had identified and censured three major terrorist groups by name) and replaced the “offending” provision with the following sanitized preambulatory paragraph (which removed the references to Hamas, Islamic Jihad and Al Aqsa Martyrs' Brigade):
Concerned also about the continuous grave threat to Israeli children from terrorism, and about the severe consequences of continuing terrorist attacks directed against Israeli civilians, including children,
Nonetheless, one day later, on November 19, 2003, Egypt (joined by Indonesia) introduced amendment no. A/C.3/58/L.59 during the 58th session of the Third Committee (under agenda item 117(b)) which altered Israel’s original draft resolution to state, in full, as follows:
The situation of and assistance to children in the Middle East Region
The General Assembly,
Recalling the Convention on the Rights of the Child and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,
Recalling also the World Declaration on the Survival, Protection and Development of Children and the Plan of Action for Implementing the World Declaration on the Survival, Protection and Development of Children in the 1990s, adopted by the World Summit for Children, held in New York on 29 and 30 September 1990,
Recalling further the Declaration and Plan of Action adopted by the General Assembly at its twenty-seventh special session,
Emphasizing the importance of the safety and well-being of all children in the whole Middle East region,
Concerned that Middle East children suffering from the effects of occupation, violence and terrorism are deprived of many basic rights under the Convention,
Emphasizing that foreign occupation, violations of international law, including international humanitarian law, and violations of instruments relevant to the well-being of the child, as well as deprivation, hostility and confrontation, are the main sources of the suffering and hardship of children in the whole Middle East region,
Expressing its condemnation of all acts of violence, military assaults, excessive use of force and incitement of violence and terrorism, resulting in extensive loss of human life and injuries, including among children,
Affirming the obligations of Israel, the occupying Power, under the Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, of 12 August 1949,
1. Stresses the urgent need for Middle East children to live a normal life free from occupation, deprivation, terrorism, destruction and fear;
2. Expresses its support for all efforts to achieve a just and comprehensive peace in the Middle East and to ensure peace and prosperity for the peoples of the region, including children.
Not taking any chances, two days later, on November 21, 2003, Egypt (this time joined by 10 other countries) introduced amendment no. A/C.3/58/L.81 during the 58th session of the Third Committee (under agenda item 117(b)) which altered Israel’s revised draft resolution to conform it, as well, to Egypt’s transformative amendment of November 19, 2003.
As a consequence of the foregoing, on November 26, 2003 -- just 14 days after the introduction of its draft resolution on the protection of Israeli children from “Palestinian” terrorism -- Israel was compelled by the brutality of logic to withdraw it (as recounted in the Report of the Third Committee to the General Assembly dated December 15, 2003, identified as Document no. A/58/508/Add.2).
Contrariwise, the approved “Situation of and assistance to Palestinian children” draft resolution authored by Egypt was included in the recommendatory Report of the Third Committee to the General Assembly dated December 4, 2003, identified as Document no. A/58/504; and that draft resolution thereafter became finalized as U.N. General Assembly Resolution no. 58/155 of December 22, 2003 (entitled “Situation of and assistance to Palestinian children”).
Moreover, the U.N.'s primal enmity towards the State of Israel is not limited to the mere issuance of condemnatory resolutions. For example, the U.N., through its “United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East”, funds and supervises the very “refugee camps” (which are actually built-up neighborhoods of various Arab-populated cities in Judea, Samaria and Gaza) in which “Palestinian” Arab youth are systematically inculcated with a burning hatred for Jews and from which legions of suicide bombers and other varieties of terrorists thereupon inexorably emerge. The UNRWA school curriculum stresses that the State of Israel is “Occupied Palestine” and that all “Palestinian refugees” will eventually “return” there. An UNRWA school book for emerging teenagers contains the following irredentist and revanchist poem:
Returning, returning, we are returning
Borders shall not exist, nor citadels and fortresses
Cry out, O those who have left:
We are returning
Returning to the homes, to the valleys, to the mountains
Under the flag of glory,
Jihad and struggle With blood, sacrifice, fraternity and loyalty
We are returning
Returning, O hills; returning, O heights
Returning to childhood; returning to youth
To Jihad in the hills, harvest in the Land
We are returning
(excerpt from UNRWA’s 7th grade school book “Our Beautiful Language”, Part 1, p. 28 (2013 edition))
However, UNRWA’s hostility towards Israel is not limited to its school curriculum. Gazan UNRWA schools, in cooperation with the Hamas terrorist organization, host paramilitary training sessions for its students in preparation for war against Israel; and Hamas rockets have been stored in UNRWA facilities. Furthermore, in an October 3, 2004 interview with the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, Peter Hansen, Commissioner-General of UNRWA, publicly conceded that UNRWA employees include members of Hamas; and, thereafter, several employees of that U.N. agency competed in the Palestinian Authority’s parliamentary elections of January 2006 as official candidates of Hamas. Moreover, in the Gazan UNRWA staff union elections of September 2012, Hamas members won 25 of the 27 union positions.
Yet, despite that fact that a U.N. constituent agency is spearheading a campaign of demonization and delegitimization against a member State of the U.N. and despite the fact that a terrorist organization has been permitted to dominate that same U.N. agency, it is only that member State’s periodic counterterrorism actions against that U.N. agency’s “refugee camps” and facilities which vex, and elicit outrage from, the United Nations.
In essence, Israel is the only member State of the U.N. which has never been accorded the diplomatic benefit of Article 51 of the U.N. Charter which states, in salient part, as follows:
“Nothing in the present Charter shall impair the inherent right of individual or collective self-defence if an armed attack occurs against a Member of the United Nations, until the Security Council has taken measures necessary to maintain international peace and security. ...”
The World’s routine condemnation of Israel’s periodic exercise of its inherent right of self-defense is the natural and predictable result of the routine and longstanding employment of the tactics of demonization, delegitimization and double standard against the Jewish State at many U.N.-sponsored events, because a State that has no right to exist certainly has no right to defend itself against aggression (which has been repackaged by the components of the U.N. system as heroic “resistance” to the continued existence of that State). An example of these tactics occurred on November 29, 2005, at a U.N. conference held at its main headquarters in New York City (also discussed above), during which a U.N.-produced map of the Middle East, as of May 15, 1948 (being the effective date of the establishment of the State of Israel), was displayed, which map effected the retroactive erasure of the State of Israel and its replacement with a “State of Palestine”. Although U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan and two other high ranking U.N. officials were present during the unveiling of this map, neither he nor any other U.N. official protested its obvious message.
Another example occurred on February 27, 2013 at the 5th Global Forum of the United Nations Alliance of Civilizations held in Vienna, Austria, when, during his public remarks to the attending delegates, Turkish Prime Minister Recep Erdogan declared that Zionism is a “crime against humanity”, thereby implying that the continued existence of the State of Israel -- whose creation was the raison d’être of the Zionist Movement -- is also a “crime against humanity”. Although this slander was uttered in the presence of U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, who shared the stage with Erdogan, the Secretary-General neither rebuked Erdogan nor exited the stage in protest of his remarks. Predictably, Israel -- which (unlike the “State of Palestine”) has been denied admittance to the Alliance of Civilizations’ “Group of Friends” and, consequently, was not permitted to have a delegate in attendance -- lacked any opportunity to contemporaneously protest this slander. A further example occurred on May 3, 2013 at a televised U.N.-sponsored event in Lebanon during which Ann Dismorr, the Director of the Lebanon office of UNRWA, displayed -- together with the flag of the Palestine Liberation Organization (which doubles as the flag of the “State of Palestine”) -- a map of the State of Israel, all of which was labeled as “Arab Palestine”. Moreover, from November 24, 2014 to December 5, 2014, in conjunction with its annual observance of the “International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People”, the United Nations permitted its regional headquarters in Geneva, Switzerland to host an exhibit which asserted that Israel is an illegal colonialist entity whose creation was made possible only via its employment of the tactics of genocide and expulsion against the “Palestinians”. Inter alia, the exhibit demanded, as a measure of restorative justice, that Israel allow itself to be inundated with millions of “Palestinian” immigrants. It is a sobering fact that virtually all components of the U.N. system have been, and continue to be, complicit in the routine diplomatic assault against one -- and only one -- of its member States, namely, the one State in the World that just happens to be populated and ruled by Jews.
Sadly, disdain for and rejection of Israel’s inherent right of self-defense has so permeated the United Nations system that, when Gaza fired hundreds of mortars and missiles into Israel proper (one of which hit a kindergarten in the nearby city of Sderot) in May 2018, thereby prompting the United States (at the direction of President Donald Trump) to sponsor U.N. Security Council draft resolution no. S/2018/520 of June 1, 2018, which resolution condemned Hamas and Islamic Jihad for their aggression against Israel, the draft resolution spectacularly but unsurprisingly failed, as it received only one affirmative vote in the 15-member U.N. Security Council, namely, that of its sponsor, the United States. Not even ostensible allies of Israel and the United States, such as Britain, France, Poland, Ethiopia and Netherlands, could bring themselves to officially and publicly condemn those two terrorist groups, both sworn to the destruction of the Jewish State, for an indisputable act of war against a fellow member State of the United Nations.
United States of America: draft resolution
The Security Council,
Expressing concern about the escalation of violence in Gaza caused by terrorist organizations such as Hamas,
Recalling also its resolutions on the protection of civilians in armed conflict, and emphasizing the obligation not to attack civilians, civilian populations, or civilian objects in situations of armed conflict,
Deploring the loss of human life and the endangerment of innocent civilians,
Stressing that all parties must comply with their obligations under international law, including international humanitarian law and human rights law, as applicable,
Expressing its grave concern at the escalation of violence and tensions and the deterioration of the situation in Gaza, caused by terrorist organizations such as Hamas, in particular since 30 March 2018,
Condemning all acts of violence against civilians, including acts of terror, as well as all acts of provocation, incitement and destruction caused by terrorist organizations such as Hamas,
Reaffirming the right to peaceful assembly and protest, freedom of expression and of association,
Alarmed at the exacerbation of the dire humanitarian crisis in the Gaza Strip, and stressing the need to achieve a sustainable solution to this crisis,
Stressing the particular impact that armed conflict has on women and children, including as refugees and displaced persons, as well as on other civilians who may have specific vulnerabilities, including persons with disabilities and older persons, and stressing the need for the Security Council and Member States to strengthen further the protection of civilians,
Recalling its commitment to a lasting solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict agreed upon by both parties,
Reaffirming the right of all States in the region to live in peace within secure and internationally recognized borders,
1. Condemns in the strongest terms the indiscriminate firing of rockets by Palestinian militants in Gaza toward communities in Israel on May 29, 2018, which damaged civilian infrastructure and was the largest attack from Gaza since 2014;
2. Demands that Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad, and other militant groups in Gaza cease all violent activity and provocative actions, including along the boundary fence, and cease putting civilians at risk through their actions;
3. Condemns the diversion of resources by Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad, and other groups in Gaza to construct military infrastructure, including tunnels to infiltrate Israel and equipment to launch rockets, when such resources could have addressed the needs of the civilian population;
4. Demands that all member states refrain from providing weapons or any other materiel that could be used for rocket attacks to militant groups in Gaza;
5. Calls for full respect by all parties for international human rights law and international humanitarian law, including in regards to the protection of the civilian population, and reiterates the need to take appropriate steps to ensure the safety and well-being of civilians and ensure their protection, as well as to ensure accountability for all violations;
6. Deplores any actions by terrorist groups in Gaza such as Hamas that could provoke violence and endanger civilian lives, and calls on them to ensure that protests remain peaceful;
7. Calls for urgent steps to ensure an immediate, durable and fully respected ceasefire;
8. Calls for the exercise of maximum restraint and calm by all parties in Gaza and the need for immediate and significant steps to stabilize the situation and to reverse negative trends on the ground caused by terrorist organizations in Gaza, including Hamas;
9. Demands that all parties in Gaza cooperate with medical and humanitarian personnel to allow and facilitate unimpeded access to the civilian population, calls for the cessation of all forms of violence and intimidation directed against medical and humanitarian personnel, and expresses grave concern for the destruction of the Kerem Shalom crossing by actors in Gaza, which has severely hindered deliveries of food and fuel for the people of Gaza;
10. Encourages tangible steps towards intra-Palestinian reconciliation, including in support of the mediation efforts of Egypt, and concrete steps to reunite the Gaza Strip and the West Bank under the Palestinian Authority and ensure its effective functioning in the Gaza Strip;
11. Welcomes and urges further engagement by the Secretary-General and the United Nations Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process to assist, in cooperation with concerned partners, in the efforts to immediately de-escalate the situation and address urgent infrastructure, humanitarian, and economic development needs, including through the implementation of projects endorsed by the Ad Hoc Liaison Committee;
12. Requests the Secretary-General to examine the present situation and to submit a written report, as soon as possible, but not later than 60 days from the adoption of the present resolution, on terrorist organizations such as Hamas using protesters for incitement and carrying out other acts of violence in the past 90 days, with the goal of preventing such clashes in the future;
13. Decides to remain seized of the matter.
With regard to marshalling international condemnation against rocket and mortar attacks by terrorist organizations against Israel’s civilian population centers, the U.S. has fared no better in the U.N. General Assembly than it has in the U.N. Security Council. For, when Gaza again fired hundreds of mortars and missiles into Israel proper (many of which destroyed occupied houses, resulting in one fatality and scores of injured) in November 2018, thereby prompting the United States (at the direction of President Donald Trump) to sponsor U.N. General Assembly draft resolution no. A/73/L.42 of November 29, 2018, which resolution again condemned Hamas and Islamic Jihad for their aggression against Israel, the draft resolution failed to reach the passage threshold.
Republished below is that failed U.N. General Assembly draft resolution:
United States of America: draft resolution
Activities of Hamas and other militant groups in Gaza
The General Assembly,
Reaffirming support for a just, lasting and comprehensive peace between Israelis and Palestinians, in accordance with international law, and bearing in mind relevant United Nations resolutions,
Recognizing that all acts of violence against civilians, particularly acts of terror, as well as all acts of provocation, incitement and destruction only serve to erode trust and hinder efforts to bring about a peaceful solution,
1. Condemns Hamas for repeatedly firing rockets into Israel and for inciting violence, thereby putting civilians at risk;
2. Demands that Hamas and other militant actors, including Palestinian Islamic Jihad, cease all provocative actions and violent activity, including by using airborne incendiary devices;
3. Condemns the use of resources by Hamas in Gaza to construct military infrastructure, including tunnels to infiltrate Israel and equipment to launch rockets into civilian areas, when such resources could be used to address the critical needs of the civilian population;
4. Calls for full respect by all parties for international human rights law and international humanitarian law, including in regard to the protection of the civilian population;
5. Also calls for the cessation of all forms of violence and intimidation
directed against medical and humanitarian personnel, and reiterates the importance of respecting the inviolability and neutrality of United Nations premises;
6. Encourages tangible steps towards intra-Palestinian reconciliation, including in support of the mediation efforts of Egypt, and concrete steps to reunite the Gaza Strip and the West Bank under the Palestinian Authority and ensure its effective functioning in the Gaza Strip;
7. Welcomes and urges further engagement by the Secretary-General and the United Nations Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process to assist, in cooperation with concerned partners, in the efforts to de-escalate the situation and address urgent infrastructure, humanitarian and economic development needs.
Furthermore, the hypocritical United Nations, which is so adept at condemning Israel’s lawful possession of its ancestral lands, is equally adept at condoning, rationalizing or ignoring the many Occupations of recent memory, such as those:
by Britain: of the northern portion of Ireland (known as “Northern Ireland”), and of the southern tip of Spain (known as “Gibraltar”), and of the Falkland Islands (which are closest to Argentina and known as the Malvinas Islands to that nation) and of two areas of Cyprus (both used as British military bases, known as Akrotiri and Dhekelia, located on the southern coast of the island);
by Denmark: of Greenland (known as Kalaallit Nunaat to the Greenlandic Inuit people)
by the United States: of the southeastern tip of Cuba (known as “Guantanamo Bay”);
by Spain: of the cities of Cueta (known as Sebta to the Arab World) and Melilla (known as Maliliya to the Arab World) and the rock fortress of Peñón de Velez de la Gomera (known as Badis to the Arab World) on the northeastern coast of Morocco as well as several islands within the territorial waters of that Arab country, and of territory of Portugal on the Guadiana River (called Olivenza by Spain and Olivenca by Portugal);
by Portugal: formerly of Diu, Daman and Goa, being three regions on the western coast of India
by France: of territory on the northern coast of South America (known as “French Guiana”), and of the island of Mayotte (known as Mahore to the Arab World) within the territorial waters of Comoros;
by Spain and France: of Euskal Herria (the Basque homeland);
by Armenia: of the southwestern portion of Azerbaijan (namely, the Nagorno-Karabakh enclave and additional surrounding territory, denominated as the “Republic of Artsakh” by Armenia)
by India: of the larger part of Kashmir;
by China: of Tibet and of the Uygur homeland in the province of Xinjiang (known as East Turkestan to the Uygur people);
by China and Myanmar (formerly known as Burma) of the Wa (also known as the Lawa, Va, Hkawa, Kawa, or Kala) homeland;
by Russia: of four Japanese islands at the southern tip of the Kuril archipelago (known as the Northern Territories to Japan), and of Chechnya, and of the Crimean peninsula of Ukraine and, through ethnic Russian proxies, of the eastern portion of Ukraine (known as the “Donetsk People’s Republic” and the “Luhansk People’s Republic”), the Abkhazia and South Ossetia provinces of Georgia and the Transnistria (also known as Trans-Dniester or Transdniestria) province of Moldava, and formerly of Afghanistan, and formerly of the 14 nations which (together with Russia) comprised the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (commonly known as the Soviet Union)
by Syria, Iraq, Iran and Turkey: of Kurdistan;
by Afghanistan, Iran and Pakistan: of Baluchistan (also known as Balochistan);
by Algeria: of (the remnant Berber homeland of) Kabylia;
by Turkey: of the northeastern portion of Cyprus (denominated as “The Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus” by Turkey) and of the Iskenderun region (denominated as the Province of Hatay by Turkey) which was originally part of the territory included in the League of Nations Mandate for Syria and is claimed by modern Syria (known as the Alexandretta region to the Arab World) and of portions of Syrian Kurdistan and Iraqi Kurdistan;
by Syria: formerly of Lebanon;
by Iran: of the oil-rich region of Khuzestan (known as the region of al-Ahwaz to the Arab World) which has been populated almost exclusively by Arabs for the past 600 years, and of the islands of Greater Tunb, Lesser Tunb and Abu Moussa located within the territorial waters of United Arab Emirates, and of the southern portion of Azerbaijan;
by Morocco: of Western Sahara;
by Ethiopia: formerly of Somalia;
by the United Nations itself: of the Kosovo province of Serbia; and
by nations (such as Britain, Australia, Brazil, Chile, Denmark, Ecuador, France, India, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Portugal, South Africa, Spain, and Yemen): of islands that lie well beyond their own territorial waters.
The above-enumerated Occupations represent only a fraction of the more than 200 territorial disputes that exist in the World, virtually none of which elicit any attention from the International Committee of the Red Cross or the United Nations system. In fact, while the international community has always employed the pejorative label “Occupation” to describe Israel’s lawful reacquisition of its ancestral lands, it has never employed that label to describe any of the above-enumerated Occupations. Moreover, none of the above-enumerated Occupations has ever been declared by the International Committee of the Red Cross (which narcissistically deems itself to be the official interpreter of the four Geneva Conventions of 1949) or by any component of the U.N. system to be subject to -- let alone in violation of -- Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention (which, inter alia, prohibits an Occupying Power from transferring portions of the occupied population from, or transferring portions of its own population to, the occupied territory). Only Israel’s lawful reacquisition of Judea, Samaria, the eastern portion of Jerusalem and Gaza has ever been declared by the ICRC and the U.N. system to be subject to (and simultaneously in violation of) Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention. Although Syria (during its former Occupation of Lebanon), Morocco (during its current Occupation of Western Sahara), China (during its current Occupation of Tibet), Russia (during its current Occupation of the Crimean peninsula of Ukraine) and Turkey (during its current Occupations of northeastern Cyprus and portions of northern Syria and northern Iraq) have transferred hundreds of thousands of their respective residents into their respective occupied territories in order to effect demographic changes therein, neither the ICRC nor any component of the U.N. system has ever declared any of those nations to be subject to -- let alone in violation of -- Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention.
This inversion of Morality was lamented by Solomon, third monarch of biblical Israel, who presciently observed: “There is a Futility that takes place on the Earth -- there are righteous ones who are treated as [if they had performed] the actions of the evil ones; and there are evil ones who are treated as [if they had performed] the actions of the righteous ones -- I declared that, also, this is a Futility.” (Ecclesiastes 8:14). His father, David, second monarch of biblical Israel, had earlier warned the World: “The evil ones will surge forward on every side when Baseness is exalted among the Sons of Man.” (Psalms 12:9). And the Prophet Isaiah had, in a later generation, declared: “Woe unto those who speak of Evil as [if it were] Good, and of Good as [if it were] Evil; who make Darkness into [the semblance of] Light, and Light into [the semblance of] Darkness; who make Bitter into [the perception of] Sweet, and Sweet into [the perception of] Bitter.” (Isaiah 5:20)
The depths of depravity to which the U.N. has descended since its founding has been further demonstrated by its leadership assignments in the first years of the 21st Century. For example, the U.N. has offered to Moammar Gadhafi’s Libya, a major abuser of human rights, chairmanship of its Human Rights Commission (subsequently reinvented in 2006 as the equally malevolent Human Rights Council), and to Saddam Hussein’s Iraq, a major developer of banned biological and chemical weapons (the latter of which were used in March 1988 to annihilate over 5,000 Iraqi Kurds residing in Halabja), chairmanship of its Disarmament Commission, and to Bashar al-Assad’s Syria, a sponsor and harborer of terrorist groups (as well as Nazi war criminals such as Alois Brunner who was responsible for the genocide of approximately 128,500 Jews from Austria, Greece, France and Slovakia during the Holocaust) and a mass-murderer of its own citizens, presidency of its Security Council, and to Ali Kamanei’s Iran, a major violator of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, vice chairmanship of its Disarmament Commission.
Furthermore, despite acts of genocide, war crimes, and other serious human rights abuses being perpetuated all over the World, Israel is virtually the only country in the World which has ever been censured by the U.N. Human Rights Council; and Israel is also the only country in the World whose activities have been designated for special scrutiny as a permanent agenda item of the UNHRC -- namely, Agenda Item 7 (entitled “Human rights situation in Palestine and other occupied Arab territories”) of each and every session of the UNHRC -- in addition to being subjected to routine scrutiny per the UNHRC’s quadrennial “Universal Periodic Review” of the status of human rights in each U.N. member State (which quadrennial review, in practice, is utilized by totalitarian member States to sanitize their routine repression of civil rights, political dissent, religious observance and free expression). For example, unsurprisingly, during the quadrennial review of Iran’s abominable human rights record in November 2019, 85% of the member States of the UNHRC (i.e., 95 member States out of 111 member States), issued written statements praising Iran. It is noteworthy that, while the behavior of U.N. member State Israel is examined at each and every session of the UNHRC (under Agenda Item 7), the other 192 member States of the U.N. are only occasionally examined at sessions of the UNHRC (under Agenda Item 4 -- entitled “Human rights situations that require the Council’s attention”). Moreover, while the UNHRC has appointed dozens of human rights rapporteurs, some of which are assigned to examine and report upon the human rights situations in specific countries on a temporary basis, Israel is the only country for which the UNHRC has appointed a human rights rapporteur on a permanent basis. However, unlike the rapporteurs temporarily assigned to other countries, who are tasked with reviewing the overall human rights situation in those countries, the rapporteur permanently assigned to Israel is tasked with reviewing only one side of the human rights situation there, namely, those human rights abuses allegedly perpetrated by Israel against “Palestinian” Arabs, while those human rights abuses perpetrated by “Palestinian” Arabs against Israeli Jews (i.e., genocidal incitement and acts of terrorism) or even against their fellow Arabs remains outside the purview of that rapporteur’s assignment. None of this is actually surprising when one considers that the membership of the UNHRC has traditionally included such human rights “luminaries” as Saudi Arabia, Iran, Syria, Bangladesh, China, Indonesia, Jordan, Kuwait, Zimbabwe, Angola, Congo, Djibouti, Mauritania, Malaysia, Qatar and Cuba -- the vast majority of whom are openly antagonistic to Israel. In fact, member countries of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (formerly known as the Organization of the Islamic Conference), a virulently anti-Israel transnational organization, have traditionally comprised from 30% to 38% of the membership of the UNHRC, and have always voted as bloc within that U.N. agency to create and implement policies that are intended to demonize and delegitimize the Jewish State. Moreover, the foregoing conduct of the UNHRC constitutes but one example of the routine double standard employed against Israel at the United Nations.
The 66th World Health Assembly of the U.N.-affiliated World Health Organization (whose acronym is “WHO”), representing the member States of WHO, held in May 2013, represents another example of the obsessive international focus on Israel at the expense of actual threats to World-wide public health. The authorizing resolution (Document no. WHA66.5) for that session’s Agenda Item number 20 (entitled “Health conditions in the occupied Palestinian territory, including east Jerusalem, and in the occupied Syrian Golan”) excoriated Israel for allegedly causing and perpetuating a “health crisis” in Judea, Samaria and Gaza (Resolution, Section 2, Paragraph 1) despite the fact that the Palestinian Authority administers the healthcare system for virtually all Arabs residing in Judea and Samaria, while Hamas administers the healthcare system for all Arabs residing in Gaza. That resolution also ignored the fact that the non-Jewish residents of the Golan Heights (i.e., the Druze Arabs) receive healthcare that is identical to that received by the Jewish residents thereof. Pursuant to that resolution, the World Health Assembly accepted four separate reports, including one from Syria, condemning Israel. Ironically, but not surprisingly, the Assembly did not permit any agenda item to consider the enormous health implications of Syria’s ongoing civil war that, as of May 2013, had already resulted in approximately 90,000 civilian deaths, more than 4 million refugees (including approximately 600,000 children), mass starvation and a collapse of that country’s healthcare system.
In an encore performance, the 68th World Health Assembly of WHO, held in May 2015, issued an authorizing resolution (Document no. A68/B/CONF./2) for that session’s Agenda Item number 20 (again entitled “Health conditions in the occupied Palestinian territory, including east Jerusalem, and in the occupied Syrian Golan”), which falsely accused Israel of a long list of alleged atrocities (e.g., “barriers to health access”, “damage to and destruction of medical infrastructure and facilities” and “impeded access to water and sanitation”) impacting the health of the “Palestinian” residents of Judea, Samaria and Gaza and also the Druze Arab residents of the Golan Heights. Israel was the only State singled out for condemnation by the World Health Assembly at its 2015 session.
In addition to being the target of a condemnatory World Health Assembly resolution almost every year, Israel is also the subject of a WHO evaluation report every year. Unsurprisingly, Israel is the only State to be evaluated by WHO every year; and, also unsurprisingly, that evaluation is invariably condemnatory. Such behavior has rendered WHO yet another component organization of the U.N. system that has permitted its core mission to be subverted by and subordinated to the international effort to demonize and delegitimize the Jewish State.
The U.N. Commission on the Status of Women (which commission is a unit of the U.N. Economic and Social Council, and which commission then included among its member States such human rights “luminaries” as Bangladesh, China, Congo, Cuba, Indonesia, Iran, Pakistan and Zimbabwe), which held its 59th session from March 9, 2015 to March 20, 2015, represents a another example of the international drive to demonize and delegitimize Israel at the expense of its core mission, which is described on its website as “… the promotion of gender equality and the empowerment of women”. That session blamed one -- and only one -- country in the World for causing the depredations suffered by women during 2014, namely Israel (while simultaneously managing to praise the fictional “State of Palestine” for its alleged gender equality efforts). Despite abuses against women throughout the Islamic World and elsewhere on the planet in 2014, the only U.N.-authorized gender discrimination study undertaken for that period of time focused exclusively upon discrimination suffered by “Palestinian” women (per Document no. E/CN.6/2015/5, entitled “Situation of and assistance to Palestinian women. Report of the Secretary-General”), for which the State of Israel was found to be directly or indirectly responsible (see Document, Section II, Paragraphs 4 - 16, and Section IV, Paragraphs 60 - 63), but with respect to which the “State of Palestine” was found to have made “noteworthy” and “laudable” remediation efforts (Document, Section II, Paragraph 20, and Section IV, Paragraph 64).
The machinations of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (whose acronym is “UNESCO”) also illustrate the extent to which ostensibly neutral organizations within the U.N. system have been hijacked and perverted by enemies of Israel. UNESCO’s mission statement (as published on its website) states, in part: “UNESCO works to create the conditions for dialogue among civilizations, cultures and peoples, based upon respect for commonly shared values. It is through this dialogue that the World can achieve global visions of sustainable development encompassing observance of human rights, mutual respect and the alleviation of poverty, all of which are at the heart of UNESCO’s mission and activities. …” Notwithstanding that lofty self-description, in the context of Israel, UNESCO has abandoned that core mission in order to demonize and delegitimize the Jewish State. On April 15, 2016, the Executive Board of UNESCO, pursuant to agenda item 19 (entitled “Occupied Palestine”) of its 199th session, approved yet another lopsided anti-Israel resolution (published as UNESCO’s Progamme And External Relations Commission’s English-language document no. 199 EX/PX/DR.19.1 Rev., dated April 11, 2016). In a transparent attempt to expunge the more-than-3,000-year-old historical connection between the Jewish people and Jerusalem, UNESCO erased the longstanding English-language name “Temple Mount” (whose very name evokes the aforesaid connection) from its English-language lexicon in favor of the (mostly) Arabic-language designation “Al-Aqsa Mosque/Al-Haram Al-Sharif” (Resolution, paragraphs 7 - 16 & 18), so that future generations of English speakers would forget the name “Temple Mount” (with its Jewish associations) and recognize only the names “al-Aqsa Mosque” and “al-Haram al-Sharif” (with their Islamic associations). Furthermore, by combining the separate names “al-Aksa Mosque” and “al-Haram al-Sharif” (the latter of which is the Arabic-language name for the Temple Mount) into the newly-created compound name “Al-Aqsa Mosque/Al-Haram Al-Sharif”, UNESCO thereby conflated the small mosque on the Temple Mount with the entire 37-acre plaza (i.e., almost 150,000-square-meter and more than 1.6-million-square-foot) which is the Temple Mount, the objective being to treat the entire Temple Mount as if it were a mosque, entrance to which would then be internationally forbidden to Jews. Stated more succinctly, the international community’s long-term purpose in coining and utilizing the designation “Al-Aqsa Mosque/Al-Haram Al-Sharif” instead of “Temple Mount” in their English-language documents is to establish a justified pretext for demanding that Jews be banned from visiting their holiest site in the World. In light of the foregoing, it is not surprising -- but nonetheless outrageous -- that, in the same Resolution, UNESCO condemned Israel for permitting Jews to visit, and for instructing its army to maintain security on, the Temple Mount, to wit: “Firmly deplores the continuous storming of Al-Aqsa Mosque/Al-Haram Al-Sharif by the Israeli right-wing extremists and uniformed forces, and urges Israel, the Occupying Power, to take necessary measures to prevent provocative abuses that violate the sanctity and integrity of Al-Aqsa Mosque/Al-Haram Al-Sharif” (Resolution, paragraph 9); condemned Israel for allegedly “… planting Jewish fake graves …” in Muslim cemeteries (Resolution, paragraph 14); condemned Israel for “… the instalment of an umbrella …” at the entrance to one of the Temple Mount’s gates (Resolution, paragraph 20); condemned Israel for responding to Gazan rocket and mortar fire, but not Hamas for initiating those hostilities against Israel, or for embedding its fighters within its civilian population, or for storing rockets and other weaponry inside Gazan schools (including U.N. schools), mosques and hospitals, thereby utilizing its population as human shields, to wit: “Deplores the military confrontations in and around the Gaza Strip and the civilian casualties caused, including the killing and injury of thousands of Palestinian civilians, including children, as well as the continuous negative impact in the fields of competence of UNESCO, the attacks on schools and other educational and cultural facilities, including breaches of inviolability of UNRWA schools” (Resolution, paragraph 31); and condemned Israel, but not Egypt, for refusing to maintain open borders with hostile Gaza, to wit: “Strongly deplores the continuous Israeli blockade of the Gaza Strip, which harmfully affects the free and sustained movement of personnel and humanitarian relief items as well as the intolerable number of casualties among Palestinian children, the attacks on schools and other educational and cultural facilities and the denial of access to education, and requests Israel, the occupying Power, to immediately ease this blockade” (Resolution, paragraph 32). It is noteworthy that, although Israel removed all Jews (both civilians and soldiers) from Gaza more than 10 years earlier, the last-cited paragraph of the Resolution, in an attempt (that has been habitually emulated and reiterated by all components of the U.N. system) to render Israel legally responsible for the well-being of Hamas-ruled Gaza, fancifully referred to Israel as “the occupying Power” with respect thereto. The Resolution was sponsored by a coalition of Muslim countries, including -- unsurprisingly -- Israel’s ostensible “peace partners” Egypt and Jordan. From the 58 member States comprising the Executive Board of UNESCO, only 6 member States voted against the Resolution. Unfortunately, Antisemitic resolutions from UNESCO have become normative, as from 2009 to 2018, more than 97% of all condemnatory resolutions issued by UNESCO targeted the Jewish State -- despite the fact that Israel has -- at all times -- meticulously preserved all of the antiquities that belonged to the prior cultures of the Land and has -- at all times -- vigorously protected all holy sites of the Land.
Taking its cue from UNESCO, the U.N. General Assembly subsequently approved, by a huge majority, the condemnatory English-language Resolution no. A/RES/71/25 on November 30, 2016 (published as document no. A/71/L.22 dated November 18, 2016), entitled “Jerusalem”, which exclusively employed “Haram al-Sharif” instead of “Temple Mount” (see Resolution, preambulatory paragraph 9 and operative paragraph 4). This shameful vote, which officially erased “Temple Mount” from the United Nations’ English-language lexicon, comprised 149 member States voting “in favour”, 7 member States voting “against”, 8 member States voting “abstain”, and 29 member States being “absent”. Israel’s two “peace partners”, Egypt and Jordan, not only voted for this Resolution, but they were also among its many co-sponsors. And the vote took place at a time when the U.N. was doing nothing to stop the many wars then raging and the many war crimes then being perpetrated throughout World, including the conflict in Syria, which (by that time) had resulted in more than 400,000 deaths and more than ten million refugees.
However, the coup de grâce was delivered shortly thereafter by the U.N. Security Council, which issued its Resolution no. 2334 of December 23, 2016 (entitled “The situation in the Middle East, including the Palestinian question”), falsely declaring that Jewish habitation anywhere in Judea, Samaria and the eastern portion of Jerusalem (i.e., including the Jewish Quarter of the Old City, which encompasses the Western Wall of the Temple Mount) is illegal, to wit: “Reaffirms that the establishment by Israel of settlements in the Palestinian territory occupied since 1967, including East Jerusalem, has no legal validity and constitutes a flagrant violation under international law...” (Resolution, operative paragraph 1); and implicitly demanding that Israel prevent Jews from relocating to existing Jewish communities therein, prevent Jews from erecting any new structures within those existing Jewish communities, and even prevent Jews from enlarging any existing structures within those existing Jewish communities, to wit: “Reiterates its demand that Israel immediately and completely cease all settlement activities in the occupied Palestinian territory, including East Jerusalem ...” (Resolution, operative paragraph 2). By denying the historical and religious connections between the Jewish people and the Land of Israel, the Resolution repudiated the rights granted to the Jewish people by the League of Nations’ Mandate for Palestine. Moreover, by repeatedly identifying Judea and Samaria and the eastern portion of Jerusalem as “Palestinian territory” the Resolution also repudiated U.N. Security Resolution no. 242 of 1967, which latter Resolution did not seek to establish or dictate Israel’s international borders (but instead recognized that Israel was entitled to “secure and recognized boundaries” per operative paragraph 1(ii) thereof), and which latter Resolution did not recognize any lands in Israel’s possession as being “Palestinian territory”. Unsurprisingly, U.N.S.C. Resolution no. 2334 of December 23, 2016 was sponsored by Israel’s “peace partner” Egypt, and was approved by the 15-member Security Council via a lopsided vote of 14 “in favour” and 1 “abstain”. The abstention was by the United States (at the direction of President Barack Obama), which abstention operated, in effect, as a controlling vote “in favour” of the Resolution due to the veto power held by the United States in its capacity as a permanent member of the U.N. Security Council. The refusal of the United States to veto this Resolution is what allowed the Resolution to become yet another brick in the Wall of Antisemitism (masquerading as anti-colonialism) that has been under construction at the United Nations ever since Israel’s admission thereto. Hypocritically, even though the U.S. officially abstained on the Resolution, it actively participated in crafting its language. Tellingly, immediately after the Resolution was approved, the members of each Security Council delegation (including that of the United States) applauded in unison, thereby overtly manifesting the United Nations’ longstanding disdain for the continued existence of the Jewish State and the latter’s entitlements under international law as well as under the U.N. system itself.
This last conclusion is not an exaggeration, as from the date of its admittance to the United Nations in May 1949 -- long before its reacquisition of the remainder of its ancient homeland in 1967 -- Israel has been the only member State of the U.N. to ever be excluded from its U.N. regional group, which, in Israel’s case, is the Asia-Pacific Group (formerly known as the Asian Group). This is noteworthy, because the U.N.’s geographical grouping system (comprising five regional groups, to wit: the African Group; the Asia-Pacific Group; the Eastern European Group; the Latin American and Caribbean Group; and the Western European and Others Group) exists in order to allocate among the U.N.’s member States, by regional formula, all U.N. constituent agency memberships (which agencies are the official mechanism by which U.N. policies on every subject are created and implemented), with the result that Israel is the only member State of the U.N. which has been barred during its long membership in that preeminent international organization from serving as a member of the U.N. Security Council (or any of its subsidiary organs, such as its Counter-Terrorism Committee) as well as all other constituent agencies of the U.N. (e.g., U.N. Human Rights Council and U.N. International Court of Justice). In effect, except for its participation in activities of the General Assembly and its subsidiary committees (for which a regional group membership is not a prerequisite), Israel is treated as an Observer State of the U.N. rather than as a Member State thereof. Unsurprisingly, neither the U.N. Secretariat, nor the U.N. Security Council, nor the U.N. General Assembly have ever sought to remedy this blatant attack upon the United Nations’ integrity and raison d’être. Distressingly, none of the other U.N. regional groups offered to admit Israel into its group for the next half century. Clearly, such international hostility and ostracism long predate Israel’s re-acquisition of Judea, Samaria, the eastern portion of Jerusalem and Gaza in 1967.
Ironically, the U.N.’s geographical grouping system was neither created nor authorized nor even envisaged by the U.N. Charter. While this allocation system exists only by virtue of custom, it has been used to eviscerate Israel’s fundamental rights under the U.N. Charter, as enshrined in Paragraph 1 of Article 2 of Chapter I thereof (entitled “Purposes And Principles”), which declares: “The Organization is based on the principle of the sovereign equality of all its Members.” Consequently, by its longstanding acceptance of the refusal of the Asia-Pacific Group (and its predecessor, the Asian Group) to recognize Israel as a member State thereof, the U.N. continues to severely undermine its purported integrity as well as its raison d’être.
This situation was somewhat ameliorated in 2000 when Israel was accepted as a temporary member State (and in 2004 when Israel was accepted as a permanent member State) of the Western European And Others Group (commonly known as “WEOG”) under draconian admittance conditions which -- by combining geographical restrictions with agency membership restrictions -- have, in practice, severely limited Israel’s ability to apply for U.N. agency memberships and to participate in substantive U.N. policy discussions and decision-making. Specifically, since 2000, Israel (as a member of WEOG) has been allowed to participate only in those U.N. activities that take place at the U.N.’s main headquarters in New York City, while (via WEOG fiat) it has remained barred from participating in any U.N. activities that take place at any of the U.N.’s regional headquarters (i.e., those located in Geneva, Vienna, Rome and Nairobi) where virtually all substantive U.N. policy discussions and decision-making activities actually occur. For example, Israel not only continues to be barred from seeking membership in, inter alia, the U.N. Human Rights Council, which is based at the U.N.’s Geneva office, but Israel is also barred from participating in any WEOG membership consultations concerning that Geneva-based U.N. agency. Moreover, Israel has been barred (by WEOG fiat) from applying for membership even in certain U.N. agencies which are based at the U.N.’s New York headquarters for a number of years. For example, although the U.N. Security Council is based at the U.N.’s New York headquarters, Israel was barred from competing for one of the two WEOG-reserved non-permanent seats on the U.N. Security Council until the U.N.’s 2019-2020 session (representing a seven-decade ban since the Jewish State’s admission to the U.N. and a two-decade ban since the Jewish State’s admission to WEOG). However, although, in 2005, Israel gave fellow WEOG members a 14-year advance notice of its future intention to compete for one of the two WEOG-reserved U.N. Security Council seats in 2019, it faced: (a) immediate competition from rival WEOG candidates Belgium and Germany (both of whom have been previously elected to WEOG-reserved Security Council seats, but neither of which agreed to withdraw their candidacies in favor of Israel’s), and (b) in light of the widespread and intense hostility to the Jewish State throughout the U.N. system, a near-impossible requirement that its election be approved by at least 128 U.N. member States. As a result of these formidable obstacles, in May 2018, Israel withdrew its maiden candidacy for membership in the New York-based U.N. Security Council. It is noteworthy that Israel is the only member of WEOG to have ever been subjected to agency participation restrictions. These restrictions have rendered Israel’s belated participation in the U.N.’s constituent agency system largely symbolic, with the result that the Jewish State continues, in practice, to be barred from membership in the vast majority (including the most important) of the U.N.’s constituent agencies.
The United Nations’ institutional bias against Israel has been further exemplified by the United Nations International Court of Justice in its nonbinding Advisory Opinion, identified as General List no. 131, entitled “LEGAL CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSTRUCTION OF A WALL IN THE OCCUPIED PALESTINIAN TERRITORY” dated July 9, 2004.
Despite its lofty self-description, the International Court of Justice -- like all U.N. agencies -- is a de facto political entity composed of U.N. member State-nominated candidates who are formulaically drawn from the five regional groups which comprise the United Nations for purposes of agency membership allocation. Consequently, the judges of the Court are generally subservient to the legal and political interests of their respective States.
The saga of the U.N. Court’s anti-Israel Advisory Opinion actually began more than 7 years earlier -- on April 24, 1997. On that date the U.N. General Assembly convened its 1st “Tenth Emergency Special Session”, entitled “Occupied East Jerusalem and Palestinian Territory” in order to reiterate its longstanding condemnation of Israel for the “Occupation”. Its 2nd “Tenth Emergency Special Session”, held on the same date, resulted in the issuance of condemnatory United Nations General Assembly Resolution no. A/RES/ES-10/2, dated May 5, 1997, entitled “Illegal Israeli actions in occupied East Jerusalem and the rest of the Occupied Palestinian Territory”. The “Tenth Emergency Special Session” was subsequently reconvened 11 more times over the next 6 years in order to serially condemn Israel for the “Occupation” (with each resulting Resolution also being entitled “Illegal Israeli actions in occupied East Jerusalem and the rest of the Occupied Palestinian Territory”) until December 8, 2003, when the General Assembly held its 14th “Tenth Emergency Special Session” against Israel, resulting in condemnatory United Nations General Assembly Resolution no. A/RES/ES-10/14, dated the same date, also entitled “Illegal Israeli actions in occupied East Jerusalem and the rest of the Occupied Palestinian Territory”, which directed the International Court of Justice to issue an Advisory Opinion concerning Israel’s construction of a passive security barrier in portions of Judea, Samaria and the eastern portion of Jerusalem. The innovative thought underlying this directive was that the issuance of a condemnatory Advisory Opinion by the U.N.’s International Court of Justice, although nonbinding, would nonetheless embody more gravitas in the propaganda war against Israel than equally nonbinding, but -- by now -- routine, condemnatory Security Council and General Assembly resolutions.
The General Assembly was able to invoke its “Emergency Special Session” procedure against Israel pursuant to prior United Nations General Assembly Resolution no. A/RES/377 (V), dated November 3, 1950, entitled “Uniting for Peace”, by which the General Assembly first conjured a right for itself (which does not exist in the U.N. Charter) to empower U.N. member States to take collective action, including the use of military force, to maintain “international peace and security” with respect to any international dispute as to which the Security Council had become, in the opinion of the General Assembly, deadlocked. It is noteworthy that 50% of all “Emergency Special Sessions” convened from 1956 to the present time have been utilized to condemn only one State, namely, Israel; and that percentage rises to 78% when the multisession nature of the “Tenth Emergency Special Session” is taken into account. It also noteworthy that between April 24, 1997 (when the “Tenth Emergency Special Session” was first convened) and the present time, Israel is the only State against which the U.N. has utilized its “Emergency Special Session” procedure.
United Nations General Assembly Resolution no. A/RES/ES-10/14 of December 8, 2003, states, in full, as follows:
ES-10/14. Illegal Israeli actions in Occupied East Jerusalem and the rest of the Occupied Palestinian Territory
The General Assembly,
Reaffirming its resolution ES-10/13 of 21 October 2003,
Guided by the principles of the Charter of the United Nations,
Aware of the established principle of international law on the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by force,
Aware also that developing friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples is among the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations,
Recalling relevant General Assembly resolutions, including resolution 181 (II) of 29 November 1947, which partitioned mandated Palestine into two States, one Arab and one Jewish,
Recalling also the resolutions of the tenth emergency special session of the General Assembly,
Recalling further relevant Security Council resolutions, including resolutions 242 (1967) of 22 November 1967, 338 (1973) of 22 October 1973, 267 (1969) of 3 July 1969, 298 (1971) of 25 September 1971, 446 (1979) of 22 March 1979, 452 (1979) of 20 July 1979, 465 (1980) of 1 March 1980, 476 (1980) of 30 June 1980, 478 (1980) of 20 August 1980, 904 (1994) of 18 March 1994, 1073 (1996) of 28 September 1996, 1397 (2002) of 12 March 2002 and 1515 (2003) of 19 November 2003,
Reaffirming the applicability of the Fourth Geneva Convention as well as Additional Protocol I to the Geneva Conventions to the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem,
Recalling the Regulations annexed to the Hague Convention Respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land of 1907,
Welcoming the convening of the Conference of High Contracting Parties to the Fourth Geneva Convention on measures to enforce the Convention in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including Jerusalem, at Geneva on 15 July 1999,
Expressing its support for the declaration adopted by the reconvened Conference of High Contracting Parties at Geneva on 5 December 2001,
Recalling in particular relevant United Nations resolutions affirming that Israeli settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, are illegal and an obstacle to peace and to economic and social development as well as those demanding the complete cessation of settlement activities,
Recalling relevant United Nations resolutions affirming that actions taken by Israel, the occupying Power, to change the status and demographic composition of Occupied East Jerusalem have no legal validity and are null and void,
Noting the agreements reached between the Government of Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization in the context of the Middle East peace process,
Gravely concerned at the commencement and continuation of construction by Israel, the occupying Power, of a wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including in and around East Jerusalem, which is in departure from the Armistice Line of 1949 (Green Line) and which has involved the confiscation and destruction of Palestinian land and resources, the disruption of the lives of thousands of protected civilians and the de facto annexation of large areas of territory, and underlining the unanimous opposition by the international community to the construction of that wall,
Gravely concerned also at the even more devastating impact of the projected parts of the wall on the Palestinian civilian population and on the prospects for solving the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and establishing peace in the region,
Welcoming the report of 8 September 2003 of the Special Rapporteur of the Commission on Human Rights on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied by Israel since 1967, in particular the section regarding the wall,
Affirming the necessity of ending the conflict on the basis of the two-State solution of Israel and Palestine living side by side in peace and security based on the Armistice Line of 1949, in accordance with relevant Security Council and General Assembly resolutions,
Having received with appreciation the report of the Secretary-General, submitted in accordance with resolution ES-10/13,
Bearing in mind that the passage of time further compounds the difficulties on the ground, as Israel, the occupying Power, continues to refuse to comply with international law vis-à-vis its construction of the above-mentioned wall, with all its detrimental implications and consequences,
Decides, in accordance with Article 96 of the Charter of the United Nations, to request the International Court of Justice, pursuant to Article 65 of the Statute of the Court, to urgently render an advisory opinion on the following question:
What are the legal consequences arising from the construction of the wall being built by Israel, the occupying Power, in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including in and around East Jerusalem, as described in the report of the Secretary-General, considering the rules and principles of international law, including the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949, and relevant Security Council and General Assembly resolutions?
Based upon the numerous falsehoods embedded in the foregoing authorizing Resolution, it is unsurprising that the members of the International Court of Justice, with the notable exception of the jurist representing the United States, adopted all of those same falsehoods as the foundation for its Advisory Opinion. Indisputably, via its authorizing Resolution, the General Assembly dictated to its proprietary judicial agency exactly how it expected the Court to rule on the matter. Accordingly, the nearly-unanimous Court opined, inter alia:
(a) that there is no longer any dispute over the existence of an ethnic “Palestinian people” (see Paragraph 118 of the Advisory Opinion);
(b) that the Mandate for Palestine, being denominated as a Class A mandate by the League of Nations, was, pursuant to the fourth paragraph of Article 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations, intended to fulfill the inherent right of self-determination of the “inhabitants of the territory” (see Paragraph 70), the implication being that one of the purposes of the Mandate for Palestine was to create a State for the “Palestinian people” in Mandatory Palestine;
(c) that, although Israel’s former 1949 armistice demarcation line with Jordan was no more than a military separation-of-forces line between the parties (see Paragraph 72), Israel’s capture of lands from Jordan on the other side of that line in 1967 -- namely, the “Occupied Palestinian Territory” -- nonetheless rendered Israel merely the “Occupying Power” thereof (see Paragraph 78) rather than the Sovereign thereof (implicitly due -- as elsewhere declared by the Court -- to the preexisting national rights therein, flowing from the inherent right of self-determination recognized by the Court in favor of the “Palestinian people”);
(d) that (despite the clear contrary language of Article 2 of the Fourth Geneva Convention) the Fourth Geneva Convention was applicable to Israel’s capture from Jordan of the “Occupied Palestinian Territory” regardless of whether or not, at the time of capture, these lands actually belonged to Jordan, as Sovereign thereof (see Paragraphs 90 - 101); and further that (despite the clear contrary language of Article 49 of the Convention) the Jewish communities subsequently established in these captured areas, even if not the product of any governmental deportation or transfer of Jews thereto, were nonetheless illegal under the Convention (see Paragraph 120);
(e) that Israel’s erection of the “Wall” in portions of the “Occupied Palestinian Territory” was not a security measure necessary for the protection of Israel’s civilian population against terror attacks perpetrated by the “Palestinians” (see Paragraphs 134 - 137, 140 & 142);
(f) that (despite the clear contrary language of Article 51 of the U.N. Charter which recognizes that all member States possess an “inherent right” of “self-defence” against “armed attack”) Israel was not entitled, pursuant to the overriding authority of Article 51 of the U.N. Charter, to defend itself against “Palestinian” Arab terrorists by building the “Wall” in portions of the “Occupied Palestinian Territory” (or, implicitly, by utilizing any other measures of self-defense therein), because that Article authorizes a member State to defend itself only against aggression perpetrated by another State -- and not against aggression committed by a non-State perpetrator such as the “Palestinian” Arabs (see Paragraphs 138 - 139); and
(g) that, consequently, Israel was required to remove the “Wall” forthwith and to thereafter pay reparations and make restitution to the “Palestinians” harmed by the “Wall” (see Paragraphs 151 - 153).
The Court’s interpretation of Article 51 of the U.N. Charter is so twisted that it is reproduced below:
138. The Court has thus concluded that the construction of the wall constitutes action not in conformity with various international legal obligations incumbent upon Israel. However, Annex 1 to the report of the Secretary-General states that, according to Israel: "the construction of the Barrier is consistent with Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations, its inherent right to self-defence and Security Council resolutions 1368 (2001) and 1373 (2001)". More specifically, Israel's Permanent Representative to the United Nations asserted in the General Assembly on 20 October 2003 that "the fence is a measure wholly consistent with the right of States to self-defence enshrined in Article 51 of the Charter"; the Security Council resolutions referred to, he continued, "have clearly recognized the right of States to use force in self-defence against terrorist attacks", and therefore surely recognize the right to use non-forcible measures to that end (AIES-10lPV.21, p. 6).
139. Under the terms of Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations: "Nothing in the present Charter shall impair the inherent right of individual or collective self-defence if an armed attack occurs against a Member of the United Nations, until the Security Council has taken measures necessary to maintain international peace and security." Article 51 of the Charter thus recognizes the existence of an inherent right of self-defence in the case of armed attack by one State against another State. However, Israel does not claim that the attacks against it are imputable to a foreign State. The Court also notes that Israel exercises control in the Occupied Palestinian Territory and that, as Israel itself states, the threat which it regards as justifying the construction of the wall originates within, and not outside, that territory. The situation is thus different from that contemplated by Security Council resolutions 1368 (2001) and 1373 (200l), and therefore Israel could not in any event invoke those resolutions in support of its claim to be exercising a right of self-defence. Consequently, the Court concludes that Article 51 of the Charter has no relevance in this case.
It is ironic that, in the International Court of Justice’s zeal to judicially strip Israel of its “inherent right” under Article 51 of the U.N. Charter to defend itself against an “armed attack” perpetuated by the “Palestinians” -- even by employment in Judea, Samaria and the eastern portion of Jerusalem of the most passive of obstacles thereto -- the Court has, of necessity, also deprived all other member States of a crucial U.N.-recognized mechanism for defending themselves against atrocities perpetrated by terrorist organizations operating from safe havens located beyond those States’ recognized jurisdictions. Even if the Court’s ruling on this issue were to be mandatory rather than advisory, it is unlikely that any member State of the U.N. will deign to honor the Court’s absurd restriction on such State’s inalienable right of self-defense.
Equally as significant, by its purposeful misapplication of the Fourth Geneva Convention to Israel’s lawful reacquisition of Judea, Samaria and the eastern portion of Jerusalem from a country (i.e., Jordan), whose initial acquisition thereof was illegal, the Court has created an absurd legal construct never intended by -- and contrary to the explicit language of -- the Convention. By way of example, let us suppose that China attacked the United States without provocation and captured Hawaii. Let us further suppose that China expelled all U.S. citizens from Hawaii, destroying their communities in the process, and repopulated that archipelago with Chinese citizens. Let us further suppose that the war was terminated by an armistice agreement which acknowledged China’s de facto possession of Hawaii, but which did not cede to China any de jure sovereignty thereof. Let us further suppose that, several decades later, China breached the armistice by again attacking the United States, and that the United States thereupon recaptured Hawaii from China, and subsequently permitted (but did not require) U.S. citizens to relocate to that archipelago and to thereby reestablish destroyed communities as well as to create new communities there. According to the Court’s reasoning, (1) the existence of the second war between China and the United States would be sufficient to cause the Fourth Geneva Convention, pursuant to Article 2 thereof, to be applicable to the United States’ lawful reacquisition of Hawaii despite the fact that Hawaii never belonged to China, and (2) the repopulation of Hawaii by U.S. citizens, even though not the product of governmental deportation or transfer, would be violative of Article 49 thereof and, consequently, illegal. No aggrieved State in similar circumstances would ever agree to abide by this absurd interpretation of the Fourth Geneva Convention.
The Court’s pointed refusal to acknowledge:
(a) that the League of Nations did not recognize the Arabs of Mandatory Palestine as an ethnic group separate and distinct from other clans of Arabs residing elsewhere in the World, referring to them in the Mandate for Palestine only by various generic labels such as “existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine” (Mandate for Palestine, Preamble, Paragraph 2);
(b) that the explicit language of the Mandate for Palestine granted exclusive national rights in Mandatory Palestine to the Jewish residents thereof (see Mandate for Palestine, Preamble, Paragraphs 2 & 3; and Articles 2 & 4), while affording only “civil and religious rights” to the Gentile residents thereof (Mandate for Palestine, Preamble, Paragraph 2; and Article 2);
(c) that Israel’s post-Armistice retention (from 1949 to 1967) of its pre-War sovereignty claims (from 1920 to 1948) to Judea, Samaria and the eastern portion of Jerusalem permitted the Jewish State to lawfully exercise those claims by reacquiring these areas in a defensive war after Jordan breached the Armistice Agreement (in 1967);
(d) that (as further discussed below) the explicit language of Article 2 of the Fourth Geneva Convention renders the Convention inapplicable to Israel’s reacquisition of Judea, Samaria and the eastern portion of Jerusalem; and moreover that (as further discussed below), even if the Convention is nonetheless applicable to Israel’s possession of these areas, the Jewish communities therein were not established in violation of Article 49 thereof;
(e) that the Mandate for Palestine, as grafted onto the U.N. Charter via Article 80 thereof, preempts all Security Council resolutions (both those which have been issued pursuant to Chapter VI of the U.N. Charter and those which might, in the future, be issued pursuant to Chapter VII of the U.N. Charter) and all General Assembly resolutions, including the General Assembly’s Palestine Partition Plan, that have sought and will seek to repudiate or diminish the Jewish people’s collective rights of settlement and self-determination in Judea, Samaria and the eastern portion of Jerusalem; and
(f) that Israel’s security barrier, having been erected on lands over which the Jewish people were granted exclusive national rights by the League of Nations, and being otherwise consistent with the explicit language of Article 51 of the U.N. Charter, is consequently lawful
merely serves to demonstrate the unfettered hostility of the Court, acting as proxy for the U.N. General Assembly, towards the Jewish State and the latter’s lawful reacquisition and continued possession of Judea, Samaria and the eastern portion of Jerusalem.
In this context, it is noteworthy to point out that, not only has Israel been barred from placing a judge on the Court, but two States which did have judges on the Court at the time of the Advisory Opinion, namely, Jordan and Egypt, are the very same States whose illegal possession of Judea, Samaria, the eastern portion of Jerusalem and Gaza during Israel’s 1948 War of Independence was rectified by Israel during the 1967 Six Day War. Consequently, the judicial posture of the assigned jurists of these two States (namely, Awn Shawket al-Khasawneh representing Jordan and Nabil el-Araby representing Egypt) towards Israel’s post-1967 possession of these lands was a priori hostile and, consequently, biased. In such circumstances, these two jurists should have recused themselves from deliberating upon the matter. Failing that, the United Nations itself, in an effort to demonstrate its impartiality on matters brought before its own Court, ought to have removed these two jurists from the judicial deliberations. That these biased judges were, instead, permitted by the U.N. to participate in formulating the Advisory Opinion speaks volumes about the inability of the U.N., as a whole, to deal with Israel in an unbiased manner. Moreover, the political nature of the Court is furthered evidenced by the fact that, upon retiring from the Court, many of its judges are appointed to senior political offices in their respective States. For example, the aforesaid Awn Shawket al-Khasawneh subsequently became the Prime Minister of Jordan, and the aforesaid Nabil el-Araby subsequently became the Foreign Minister of Egypt and thereafter became the Secretary-General of the Egypt-based Arab League.
As was concluded, in part, by a 2005 task force report on the United Nations commissioned by the United States Congress:
“Contrary to the equality of rights for all nations enshrined in the U.N. Charter, Israel continues to be denied rights enjoyed by all other member States; and a level of systematic hostility against it is routinely expressed, organized, and funded within the U.N. system.”
(Page 5 of the United States Institute of Peace Report of the Task Force on the United Nations entitled “American Interests And U.N. Reform”, prepared at the direction of the United States Congress per Public Law 108-447 of 2005)
This dark conclusion was yet again vindicated in late September 2008 when the President of the U.N. General Assembly (Miguel d’Escoto Brockmann) publicly embraced Iran’s President (Mahmoud Ahmadinejad) immediately after the latter had given a speech to the U.N. General Assembly at its opening session for the 2008 - 2009 year demonizing Israel and rhapsodizing over its future destruction, and in late November 2008 when -- during a conference held as part of the U.N.’s annual “International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People” festivities -- that same U.N. official declared that the nations of the World must subject Israel to “a campaign of boycott, divestment and sanctions”.
Yet, as despicable as is the United Nations’ treatment of Israel, doesn’t the creation of the annually-observed “International Day of Commemoration in Memory of the Victims of the Holocaust” (General Assembly resolution no. 60/7 of November 1, 2005), commonly known as “International Holocaust Memorial Day” or as “International Holocaust Remembrance Day”, at least prove that the United Nations detests the Jewish State rather than the Jewish people? -- Well, no. International hostility towards Israel is driven almost exclusively by the latter’s unique status as the nation-state and, consequently, as the political embodiment of the Jewish people. An Israel comprised mainly of -- and governed by -- Arabs rather than Jews would never have become the preeminent target for isolation, calumny, derision and condemnation by the United Nations, its constituent agencies and affiliated organizations, and its official conferences and publications. Furthermore, the Resolution -- with its repeated emphasis on employing Holocaust education “in order to help prevent future acts of genocide” (General Assembly resolution no. 60/7, operative paragraphs 2 & 6) -- is more likely to be used as basis for denouncing the Jewish State’s efforts to protect itself against future genocidal aggression than as a basis for justifying those preventive efforts. This is because, by coupling educational commemoration of the Holocaust with routine condemnation of Israel, the international community has been able to mainstream a perverse role reversal -- that was already being promoted by Antisemitic fringe groups for the past several decades -- whereby the Jewish State is likened to Nazi Germany, while the “Palestinian” Arabs are likened to the Holocaust-era Jewish people by respected organs of Society. This very paradigm was advanced by United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra’ad al-Hussein in his opening statement to the U.N. Human Rights Council on June 6, 2017, which explicitly linked the “Occupation” to (even while denying its conflation with) the Holocaust. One of the main objectives of this paradigm is to inhibit Israel from employing sufficient force to decisively defeat its “Palestinian” adversaries, lest it be subject to international isolation and war crimes tribunals.
The marriage between the internationally-sanctioned commemoration of the Holocaust and mainstream demonization of the Jewish people and its alter-ego Jewish State is best illustrated by two events which took place in Britain just before and during that country’s official observance of Holocaust Memorial Day in 2013.
On the day before the commemoration (January 26, 2013), after he had signed the Holocaust Educational Trust’s Book of Commitment in the British parliament’s House of Commons honoring the victims of the Holocaust, Member of Parliament David Ward posted on his parliamentary website the following statement likening the Jewish people to Nazis:
“Having visited [Nazi death camp] Auschwitz twice – once with my family and once with local schools – I am saddened that the Jews, who suffered unbelievable levels of persecution during the Holocaust, could within a few years of liberation from the death camps be inflicting atrocities on Palestinians in the new State of Israel and continue to do so on a daily basis in the West Bank and Gaza.”
On the day of the commemoration (January 27, 2013), the Sunday Times newspaper published an editorial cartoon which brazenly promoted the most vile of medieval Christian blood libels -- expertly employed by Nazi Germany in the past and by the Arab World and Islamo-fascist Iran in the present -- against the Jewish people qua Israel. As described by the Jerusalem Post newspaper (excerpt republished):
UK paper posts anti-Israel cartoon on Holocaust day
By JPOST.COM STAFF
27/01/2013 [January 27, 2013]
On Holocaust Memorial Day, 'Sunday Times' publishes cartoon depicting PM paving wall with Palestinian blood.
The Sunday Times marked Holocaust Memorial Day in a less-than-traditional manner, running a virulently anti-Israel cartoon depicting a big-nosed Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu paving a wall with the blood and limbs of writhing Palestinians.
The cartoon included a caption beneath the image entitled “Israeli elections -- will cementing peace continue?” Drawn by Gerald Scarfe, the cartoon appeared in the national paper on Sunday.
. . .
All rights reserved © 1995 - 2013 The Jerusalem Post
A corollary effect of this role reversal (whereby Israel is always branded the aggressor and, in consequence thereof, is constantly being condemned for defending itself) is that the Jewish State, in its assigned role as the “aggressor”, is also assigned primary blame for the eruption of Antisemitism. The international community is able to make this absurd claim via a reversal of the Cause-and-Effect relationship between Antisemitism and the political Zionism, whereby the latter is asserted to be the determinant -- rather than the result -- of the former, despite the indisputable historical fact that Antisemitism (in all of its various manifestations) predates the political Zionist Movement by several millennia. While this role reversal and its corollary effect obviously advance the propaganda goals of the Arab and larger Muslim Worlds, they also soothe the “guilty conscience” of Europe. After all, if the Zionism-infected Jews are such brutish oppressors, then the Europeans can certainly justify feeling absolved of the Evil that they themselves have perpetrated against the Jewish people over the past several millennia, culminating in the Holocaust. Furthermore, by supporting a “Palestinian” struggle for “freedom” which has resulted, and continues to result, in mass murder and mayhem against the Jewish people, the Europeans have discovered a “morally” acceptable means of condoning the very thing of which they desire to feel absolved.
However, even if the preceding analysis seems overly harsh, it cannot be denied -- after juxtaposing (a) the U.N.’s belated remorse over the genocide perpetrated by the Nazis and their transnational collaborators against the Jewish people during the prior century against (b) the U.N.’s persistent hostility to the Jewish State’s exercise of its inherent right of self-defense against its current genocidal enemies -- that there is much greater support at the United Nations for mourning long-dead Jews than for protecting presently-living Jews.
Furthermore, ostracism of Israel is not limited to the Jewish State’s relationship with the components of the United Nations system.
Notably, from May 1948 until June 2006 -- commencing long before Israel’s reacquisition of the remainder of its ancient homeland in 1967 -- Israel was the only nation in the World whose national medical relief agency was barred from membership in the “International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies” by decree of its gatekeeper, the “International Committee of the Red Cross” (whose acronym is “ICRC”). The declared pretext for this exclusion was that the “Star of David” (which is the symbol of Judaism and is also known as the “Jewish Star”), being the official emblem of Israel’s national medical relief agency “Magen David Adom b’Yisrael” (meaning: “Red Star of David in Israel” or, alternatively, “Red Shield of David in Israel”, and whose English-language acronym is “MDA”), was not a permissible insignia for member societies. In order to deflect charges of Antisemitism, the ICRC disingenuously explained that its regulations had always required all member Societies to adopt and display either the emblem of a Red Cross (which is the symbol of Christianity) or the emblem of a Red Crescent (which is the symbol of Islam), either of which Israel’s MDA was free to adopt as its exclusive national (as well as its exclusive international) insignia in order for it to be admitted to the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies as a member Society thereof. Nevertheless, it is a fact that the ICRC had permitted Iran’s national medical relief agency, as a member Society of the International Federation, to employ as its exclusive insignia the “Red Lion And Sun” (from 1929 until 1980, at which time Iran, its secular monarchy having been overthrown by an Islamic oligarchy in 1979, reverted to using the emblem of a Red Crescent) and, before that, had permitted Nazi Germany’s national medical relief agency, as a member Society of the International Federation, to employ as its exclusive insignia an eagle clutching a Cross with its talons. Moreover, during a November 1999 meeting of the International Federation in Geneva, Switzerland, Cornelio Sommaruga, President of the ICRC, demonstrated his organization’s true attitude towards the Jewish State by candidly declaring to Bernadine Healy, President of the American Red Cross: “If we are going to have the Shield of David, why would we not have to accept the Swastika?”
However, in December 2005, after coercing Israel’s recognition of the “Palestine Red Crescent Society” as the national medical relief agency of “Palestine”, the ICRC adopted a third permissible insignia -- the Red Crystal -- which (without any addition, alteration or embellishment thereto) could be used on international humanitarian missions by any member Society in place of the Red Cross insignia or the Red Crescent insignia. Subsequently, in June 2006, after having agreed to employ the Red Crystal (unless it alternatively chose to accept either the Red Cross or the Red Crescent) as its sole and unadulterated insignia on international humanitarian missions (unless the host country permitted a small Star of David to be inserted within the Red Crystal emblem) and after having also agreed to support the simultaneous admission of the Palestine Red Crescent Society into the International Federation (despite the fact that the Palestine Red Crescent Society does not -- as has always been required by the regulations of the ICRC -- represent a sovereign nation, thereby rendering it the only member Society of the International Federation which does not represent a sovereign nation), Israel’s MDA was finally permitted by the ICRC to become a member Society of the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies. However, should anyone thereby conclude that a historic injustice has finally been redressed, it is pointed out that the ICRC, which prides itself on its official neutrality and consequently claims to eschew all partisan positions and activities in favor of providing non-partisan humanitarian relief in all situations of conflict, has continued its wholesale abandonment of those vaunted principles in the case of Israel. The ICRC continues to assert that Judea, Samaria, and the eastern portion of Jerusalem (as well as the Golan Heights and Gaza) are “occupied territories”. This position was manifested in the ICRC-brokered “Memorandum of Understanding and Agreement on Operational Arrangements between the Palestine Red Crescent Society and the Magen David Adom in Israel” dated November 28, 2005, in which MDA was required to: (1) acknowledge that only the Palestine Red Crescent Society is authorized to operate in Judea, Samaria and the eastern portion of Jerusalem, and (2) remove its Red Star of David insignia from, and transfer ownership to local authorities of, all of its ambulances and medical stations situated in the Jewish communities and neighborhoods that are located in these post-1967 districts of Israel.
Yet, despite Israel’s humiliating concessions to the “International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement” (which comprises the International Committee of the Red Cross, the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, and each member Society thereof), MDA’s employment (with the permission of the host country) of a small Jewish Star within the Red Crystal emblem on international humanitarian missions paradoxically places MDA personnel in grave danger from hostile forces that may be operating within the host country. This so because the Third Additional Protocol to the 1949 Geneva Conventions (formally known as “Protocol additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, and relating to the Adoption of an Additional Distinctive Emblem (Protocol III), 8 December 2005”), which authorized the use of the Red Crystal emblem as a third permissible medical relief agency emblem, deliberately withholds international protective status from MDA personnel who choose to embellish the Red Crystal emblem via its incorporation of or its combination with any other emblem (e.g., by inserting a Star of David within the Red Crystal) on international humanitarian missions. Moreover, after its ratification of the Third Additional Protocol on November 22, 2007, Israel was eventually pressured into formally acknowledging this outrageous fact. As set forth on the ICRC website:
Declaration by the State of Israel made on 5 November 2008:
On 5 November 2008, the State of Israel deposited with the Swiss Federal Council the following declaration referring to the text contained in the instrument of ratification of the Protocol III deposited by the State of Israel on 22 November 2007 (notification GEN 3/07 of 26 November 2007) (original English version):
«The Embassy of the State of Israel presents its compliments to the Swiss Federal Department of Foreign Affairs and has the honour to refer to the declaration made by Israel upon ratification of the Third Additional Protocol to the Geneva Conventions. In response to questions raised in relation to this declaration, the State of Israel wishes to confirm that this declaration is not intended to enable Israel to derogate from any of the provisions of the Protocol. It also recognizes that under the terms of the Protocol, the Red Crystal, when used as a protective emblem, may not incorporate any additional emblems or combine them as part of the protective emblem.»
In sum, this means that, on international humanitarian missions, MDA personnel will be stripped of the international protective status accorded to them by the Geneva Conventions if (after obtaining permission from the host country) they dare to embellish their Red Crystal emblem with a Jewish Star.
Furthermore, the ICRC continues to condemn Israel for the latter’s necessary use of even passive security measures (such as its security barrier and fixed checkpoints) to protect its civilian population centers from “Palestinian” suicide bombers and other terrorists.
Consequently, although Israel’s national medical relief agency is now a member Society of the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, its price of admission thereto included its capitulation on the international and full domestic use of its official emblem, the abandonment of its operations in Judea, Samaria and the eastern portion of Jerusalem, and its agreement that the medical relief agency of the non-sovereign Palestinian Authority be accorded international recognition equal to that of the national medical relief agency of sovereign Israel. Accordingly, in an exercise of extreme partisanship, the ICRC’s official recognition of Israel’s national medical relief agency was conditioned, not only upon the MDA’s international abandonment of its own sovereign emblem, but also upon Israel’s implicit acceptance of a nonexistent “Palestine”.
Then there is the “Organisation internationale de la Francophonie” (meaning: “International Organization of the French-speaking World”), more commonly as known as “La Francophonie”, which is an intergovernmental organization comprised of 77 countries and regions (as members, associate members and observers), which are former French colonies and/or in which a portion of the population speaks French as a primary or secondary language and/or in which there is a cultural affinity with France. Although a significant portion of Israel’s population derives from France or former French colonies in North Africa and is, consequently, francophone, the Jewish State has been barred from any participation in La Francophonie.
Moreover, even where Israel has never been barred from membership in a particular international organization, the international community’s hostility towards the Jewish State has nonetheless manifested itself in the ugliest of ways. For example, after the murder of 11 Israeli athletes and coaches by “Palestinian” Arab terrorists (acting under instructions from the Palestine Liberation Organization) during the 1972 Olympic Games in Munich, Germany (commonly known as the “Munich Massacre”), the International Olympic Committee refused to cancel or postpone the remainder of the Games, thereby demonstrating both its disdain for the Jewish State and its indifference to the sensitivities of the Jewish victims’ families. In subsequent years, despite having permitted memorial ceremonies to be held during the Olympic Games for other deceased Olympic athletes, and despite having permitted a memorial ceremony to be held during the Olympic Games for victims of terrorism unrelated to the Games (namely, the moment of silence observed during the opening ceremony of the 2002 Olympic Games for the victims of the September 11, 2001 mega terrorist attack against the United States), the I.O.C. has steadfastly refused to permit any memorial ceremony to be held during the Games for the victims of the Munich Massacre. In particular, the I.O.C. refused a modest request -- prompted by the 40th anniversary of the Munich Massacre -- (initiated by students at Catholic University of America and subsequently adopted by Israel and several other countries) that a moment of silence be observed during the opening ceremony of the 2012 Olympic Games for the murdered Israeli athletes and coaches. The official explanation for the I.O.C.’s longstanding refusal -- including its rejection of a mere moment of silence during the 2012 Olympic Games -- has always been that, by memorializing these Jewish victims of Arab terrorism during the Olympic Games, the I.O.C. would be politicizing the Games. Of course, by its longstanding refusal to memorialize these particular victims, the I.O.C. has already politicized the Games by implicitly legitimizing the perpetration of the Munich Massacre -- especially in light of the fact that, during the opening ceremony of these same 2012 Olympic Games, the I.O.C. did permit a video memorial for the victims of the July 7, 2005 terrorist attack against the London transit system. The significance of the I.O.C.’s Antisemitic position was formally acknowledged by the Palestinian Authority which sent a letter of appreciation to the I.O.C. in July 2012, lauding its rejection of the request that a moment of silence be observed during the 2012 Olympic Games for the victims of the Munich Massacre.
Then there is the European Union. In July 2013, the E.U. issued a ban on funding or coordinating with any Jewish organization which is located in or which provides services to Judea, Samaria or the eastern portion of Jerusalem (except if that Jewish organization aids the Arab residents of those areas and/or promotes an anti-Jewish settlement agenda). The official reason for the funding ban is the E.U’s refusal to be complicit in Israel’s “occupation” of “Palestinian” lands. However, contrariwise, the E.U. does fund organizations which are located in and/or provide services to the territories of Western Sahara (occupied by Morocco) and northeastern Cyprus (occupied by Turkey) in coordination, respectively, with the governments of Morocco and Turkey. The hypocritical E.U. relentlessly seeks to stigmatize and thereby delegitimize the Jewish people’s lawful possession of their ancestral homeland, even while it works hard to sanitize and thereby legitimize the unlawful occupations that exist elsewhere in the World.
When it suits its diplomatic interests, even the United States -- Israel’s closest ally -- sometimes promotes international ostracism of the Jewish State. Since January 1983, when the United States (at the direction of President Ronald Reagan) created the U.S. Central Command (commonly known as “CENTCOM”) as a mechanism for the U.S. military to interact with States in and near the Middle East, only one geographically-relevant U.S. ally has been excluded from CENTCOM’s area of responsibility -- Israel. Instead, although the Jewish State was completely surrounded by CENTCOM States, it was illogically included within the area of responsibility of the U.S. European Command (commonly known as “EUCOM”). The exclusion of Israel from CENTCOM’s area of responsibility sent a message to the Arab World that, despite the close bilateral relationship between the U.S. and the Jewish State, the former nonetheless implicitly condoned the pan-Arab attempt to isolate the latter within the Middle East.
Moreover, in September 2011, in an effort to more effectively combat terrorist groups, the U.S. created the “Global Counterterrorism Forum”, with an initial membership comprised of the European Union and 29 countries. Among the latter were 10 Muslim countries (namely, Algeria, Egypt, Indonesia, Jordan, Morocco, Pakistan, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and the United Arab Emirates), many of which (via tolerating, hosting, funding or providing ideological justification) have themselves facilitated acts of terrorism, most of which did not then recognize Israel’s existence, and none of which regard attacks by “Palestinians” against Israel’s civilian population as terrorism. Although, due to existential necessity, Israel has become the World’s foremost expert in the field of counterterrorism, the United States (at the direction of President Barack Obama) barred the Jewish State from membership in the Forum and from attending its inaugural meeting in June 2012. Underscoring Israel’s exclusion from the Forum (as well as from the Forum’s raison d’être), the speech given at the inaugural meeting by U.S. delegate Maria Otero (in her capacity as the U.S. State Department’s Undersecretary for Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights), entitled “Victims of Terrorism”, conspicuously omitted the Jewish State from its recitation of countries that had been subjected to attack by terrorist groups. Israel’s exclusion from this U.S.-created international forum has unfortunately reinforced and amplified the message that, under appropriate circumstances, the U.S. condoned the diplomatic isolation of the Jewish State within the Middle East.
However, in 2020, the U.S. (at the direction of President Donald Trump), with the tacit support of Saudi Arabia, also advanced in the contrary diplomatic direction by actively fostering normalized diplomatic relations between several Arab States (namely, United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Sudan and Morocco) and Israel (which the Jewish State presently lacks with “peace partners” Egypt and Jordan), thereby significantly reducing the Jewish State’s diplomatic isolation within the Middle East. Moreover, in January 2021, the United States (at the direction of President Donald Trump) added Israel to CENTCOM’s area of responsibility, thereby signaling to the other CENTCOM States that the U.S. unabashedly regarded Israel as a valued partner within the Middle East.
And then, of course, there is the matter of Jerusalem, which, from the time of its capture by King David circa 1010 BCE until its partial liberation by the State of Israel in 1948, has exclusively been the capital city of the Jewish people and their serial sovereign political entities, namely, the united kingdom of Israel (circa 1043 BCE to circa 930 BCE), the remnant kingdom of Judah (circa 930 BCE to 586 BCE), the successor kingdom of Judea (140 BCE to 63 BCE), the resurrected kingdom of Judea (40 BCE to 37 BCE), and the State of Israel (1948 to the present time). Although serial Islamic Empires did occupy Jerusalem from the 7th Century to the 20th Century (except during the early Crusader period), and although Islamic Jordan subsequently occupied the eastern portion of the City from 1948 to 1967, none of these Empires or Jordan ever declared the City (or any portion thereof) to be the capital city of any territory under their control. Moreover, since there has never been a sovereign political entity known as “Palestine” in the Land of Israel, Jerusalem was never -- and could never have been -- the capital city of this imaginary “Palestine”.
Yet, despite the longstanding historical connection between the Jewish people and Jerusalem, for the first 69 years of its modern existence, Israel has been the only State in the World whose capital city -- Jerusalem -- was not recognized by any other State (including the United States) as actually being its capital city. Rather, during this period, the entire international community has preferred to treat Tel Aviv as if it were Israel’s capital city. This non-recognition of a nation’s capital is unprecedented in the annals of international diplomacy. However, lest one think that this had been the case merely because the international community does not recognize the legality of Israel’s June 1967 reacquisition of the eastern portion of Jerusalem, it should be recalled that, since its establishment in May 1948, modern Israel’s territory has always included the western portion of Jerusalem. Nonetheless, the entire international community refused from 1948 until 2017 to recognize even the western portion of Jerusalem as being Israel’s capital city. In furtherance of this international policy, the official website of the 2012 Olympic Games, created by the International Olympic Committee, initially listed Jerusalem as being the capital city of a nonexistent “Palestine”; and it listed no capital city for Israel. However, after a protest from Israel about this absurdity, the I.O.C. website was subsequently “corrected” to list no capital city for either “Palestine” or Israel, thereby perpetuating the initial absurdity.
However, the international community’s monolithic policy on Jerusalem was breached in 2017. For, in April 2017, Russia recognized “West Jerusalem” (albeit a fictitious city) as the capital city of Israel; and, in December 2017, the United States (at the direction of President Donald Trump) recognized “Jerusalem” as the capital of Israel (without bisecting the City or otherwise specifying the City’s boundaries within Israel) and stated its intention to relocate the U.S. Embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem. These U.S. declarations (but, curiously, not the earlier Russian declaration) elicited strident condemnations from the European Union, the Arab League, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, numerous individual countries and Arab members of Israel’s parliament; and it triggered rioting among the Arab population of Israel proper, as well as an escalation in the normative terrorism emanating from the “West Bank” and Gaza.
These U.S. declarations also triggered a U.N. Security Council draft resolution (i.e., P.L.O.-initiated, Egyptian-sponsored draft resolution no. S/2017/1060 of December 18, 2017, which was vetoed by the United States after it had garnered 14 votes – out of total of 15 votes -- in its favor) and a subsequent identical U.N. General Assembly resolution (i.e., P.L.O.-initiated, Turkish-cosponsored Resolution no. A/RES/ES-10/19 of December 21, 2017, which was adopted by the affirmative vote of an overwhelming majority of U.N. member States), which declared, by implication, that the U.S. declarations on Jerusalem “… have no legal effect, are null and void and must be rescinded …” and “calls upon all States to refrain from the establishment of diplomatic missions in the Holy City of Jerusalem …” (U.N. Security Council draft resolution no. S/2017/1060, operative paragraph 1; and U.N. General Assembly Resolution no. A/RES/ES-10/19, operative paragraph 1). The ostensible rationale for these anti-U.S. and anti-Israel missives was that the U.S. declarations on Jerusalem had prejudged the outcome of the peace process and had consequently damaged the prospects for peace, because sovereignty over Jerusalem was meant to be a final status issue to be resolved exclusively in future negotiations between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization qua the “State of Palestine”. However, that faux rationale merely exposed the ongoing Antisemitism and hypocrisy that is rife throughout the U.N. system, which -- for almost five decades -- has itself prejudged the outcome of the farcical “peace process” and consequently damaged the prospects for peace by incessantly describing either “Jerusalem” or a fictitious city labeled “East Jerusalem” as being part of the “Occupied Palestinian Territory” (e.g., the tenth preambulatory paragraph of U.N. General Assembly Resolution no. A/RES/ES-10/14 of December 8, 2003, to wit: “Welcoming the convening of the Conference of High Contracting Parties to the Fourth Geneva Convention on measures to enforce the Convention in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including Jerusalem, at Geneva on 15 July 1999”; and the second operative paragraph of U.N. Security Council Resolution no. 2334 of December 23, 2016, to wit: “Reiterates its demand that Israel immediately and completely cease all settlement activities in the occupied Palestinian territory, including East Jerusalem ...”). Predictably, both Turkey and Iran immediately thereafter also prejudged the outcome of the “peace process” and consequently damaged the prospects for peace by declaring that they recognize “Jerusalem” (i.e., including the western portion of the City) as the capital of the fictitious “State of Palestine” -- without triggering any adverse reaction from the U.N. Security Council, the U.N. General Assembly, the European Union or any other component of the international community. Consequently, the entire U.N. system, virtually all other international organizations and the vast majority of States continue to deny that any portion of Jerusalem is Israel’s capital city; and they, instead, continue to treat Tel Aviv as if it were Israel’s capital city. Moreover, many of these entities exacerbate the forgoing absurdity by recognizing Jerusalem as the capital city of a nonexistent “State of Palestine”.
Hypocritically, virtually all components of the international community claim that their continued non-recognition of even the western portion of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital city is mandated by international law per Section A (entitled “Special Regime”) of Part III (entitled “Jerusalem”) of U.N. General Assembly Resolution 181 (II) of 1947 (commonly known as the “Palestine Partition Plan”), which called for Jerusalem and (per Part III, Section B of the Resolution) its environs (including Bethlehem) to be established as a “corpus separatum” to be administered by the United Nations through its Trusteeship Council. The purpose of placing greater Jerusalem under the governance of the United Nations was to create a regime of international protection for the holy sites thereof (especially those of significance to Christianity, such as the Church of the Holy Sepulcher, the Via Dolorosa, Calvary aka Golgotha, the Garden of Gethsemane, the Garden Tomb and the Church of the Nativity). However, it is noteworthy that (a) the western portion of Jerusalem contains no Christian or Muslim holy sites; (b) the Resolution itself became inoperable once the “Palestinian” Arabs and the larger Arab World rejected it in word and deed; (c) no component of the U.N. system ever demanded that Part III of the Resolution be implemented during Jordan’s 19-year occupation of the eastern portion of Jerusalem and of Bethlehem; and (d) within a few decades after Israel’s reunification of Jerusalem in 1967, virtually all components of the international community began to declare that the eastern portion of Jerusalem (or, alternatively, all of Jerusalem) and Bethlehem belonged to the “Palestinian” Arabs (and, more recently, to the “State of Palestine”) rather than to the “corpus separatum” set forth in Part III of the Resolution. Moreover, and most importantly, it is worth reiterating that the “Palestine Partition Plan” -- like all U.N. General Assembly resolutions -- was merely directory rather than mandatory (i.e., it was a nonbinding recommendation made by the international community; and, consequently, it did not constitute or otherwise create international law).
As a last resort, the international community asserts that the relocation of the U.S. Embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem violates the Vienna Convention (formally known as the “Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, Done at Vienna on 18 April 1961”), based upon the claim that the Convention bars any country from installing an embassy in another country except upon the internationally-recognized territory of the latter country. However, nowhere in the Convention does any such provision exist. On the contrary, Article 21, Paragraph 1 of the Convention states: “The receiving State shall either facilitate the acquisition on its territory, in accordance with its laws, by the sending State of premises necessary for its mission or assist the latter in obtaining accommodation in some other way.” According to Israel's laws, the western portion of Jerusalem has been within the boundaries of the State since May 1948 and the remainder of Jerusalem has been within the boundaries of the State since June 1967. So, the U.S. Embassy's presence in Jerusalem does not violate the Convention.
In summary, without any support in international law, virtually all components of the international community recognize a nonexistent Arab sovereignty over the eastern portion of Jerusalem, while they simultaneously refuse to recognize the extant Jewish sovereignty over even the western portion of the City.
Moreover, in order to justify its perverse determination that Israel is a rogue State, the international community has acquired the insidious habit of conflating binding U.N. Security Council resolutions (issued pursuant to Chapter VII of the U.N. Charter) directed against evil and aggressive dictatorships (such as Saddam Hussein's Iraq, Stalinist North Korea and Islamo-fascist Iran) with nonbinding U.N. resolutions (issued pursuant to Chapter VI of the U.N. Charter) directed against the terror-targeted Jewish State. When Israel ignores malevolent U.N. Security Council resolutions (issued pursuant to Chapter VI of the U.N. Charter) and malevolent U.N. General Assembly resolutions, it does not thereby violate those resolutions, as it is legally impossible for a State to violate that which is not a legal imposition upon that State. Rather, when Israel ignores those resolutions, it is merely rejecting the non-binding recommendations set forth therein.
Remarkably, the international community’s strident isolation of Israel was foretold by the Gentile prophet Balaam who -- gazing upon the Hebrew tribes as they advanced towards the biblical Land of Israel -- declared: “'For, from its origins I see it rock-like, and from hills do I see it; behold! -- it is a people that [physically] shall dwell in solitude and [spiritually] shall not be reckoned among the nations.'“ (Numbers 23:9).
Clearly, Israel has no obligation to honor the malevolent Will of the international community as expressed through the U.N., especially when such hostile sentiment conflicts with the U.N.'s own Charter and with international law as expressed through the League of Nations’ Mandate for Palestine.
Furthermore, Israel’s claim, under international law, to its ancestral lands is not dependent for its validity on international public opinion – whether that opinion is favorable or unfavorable to Israel’s claim. If it were otherwise, then there is no international law -- only international public opinion. However, due to the fact that (absent the agreement of the Jewish State) no subsequent instrument of international law will ever possess the authority to erase the rights obtained by the Jewish people under the Mandate for Palestine and the legal doctrine of Uti Possidetis Juris, the vast majority of States, international organizations and components of the U.N. system either ignore or pervert international law in an attempt to undermine these rights.
For example, in an attempt to denigrate the continuing international legal authority of the Mandate for Palestine, the Jewish State's adversaries often claim that the Mandate was -- and consequently the modern State of Israel is -- the product of post-World War I geopolitical manipulations by a small cartel of colonialist European Powers, as a consequence of which both the Mandate and the Jewish State which emerged from the Mandate are illegitimate. Of course, such a claim is not an assault merely upon the Jewish people's collective rights of settlement and self-determination in Judea, Samaria, the eastern portion of Jerusalem, Gaza and the Golan Heights, but rather upon the Jewish people's collective rights of settlement and self-determination in any portion, however miniscule, of former Mandatory Palestine. Putting aside the fact that the creation of the modern State of Israel was promoted not only by the post-World War I League of Nations, but also by the post-World War II United Nations (thereby rendering Israel the only nation in the World whose prospective emergence received the imprimatur of both international organizations), it must be remembered that all of the modern Arab nations are products of the very same historical process -- namely, the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire wrought by World War I -- which resulted in the establishment of the Jewish State. In particular, the State of Israel and the modern Arab nations of Iraq, Lebanon, Syria and Jordan all emerged from the very same system of international mandates created by the League of Nations in the immediate aftermath of World War I (e.g., Iraq was created from the Mandate for Mesopotamia in 1932; Lebanon and Syria were created from the Mandate for Syria, respectively, in 1943 and 1946; and Jordan, then known as Transjordan, was created from the Mandate for Palestine in 1946). Moreover, in the post-World War I non-sovereign Middle East, containing a vast geographic area populated by both Jews and Arabs, it can hardly be deemed legitimate for these Powers to have allocated 99.93%, (representing 38,212,850 square kilometers = 14,753,981 square miles) of that vast geographic area exclusively to the Arab people (despite the presence of Jewish population centers among them) for the eventual creation of 21 sovereign Arab states therein, and, yet, illegitimate for these very same Powers to have allocated, per the Mandate for Palestine, only 00.07% (representing 28,150 square kilometers = 10,869 square miles and comprising Israel proper, the “West Bank”, Gaza and the Golan Heights) of that vast geographic area exclusively to the Jewish people (despite the presence of Arab population centers among them) for the eventual creation of one sovereign Jewish state therein. In order to put the foregoing post-World War I territorial allocations into perspective, it is noteworthy that the aggregate land area allocated exclusively to the Arab people in the aftermath of World War I was greater than the combined areas of the United States and Europe, while the eventual land area allocated exclusively to the Jewish people was a little larger than the U.S. State of New Jersey.
And, finally, it must be remembered that League of Nations’ allocation of the non-sovereign territory of western Mandatory Palestine to the Jewish people was no gift. Rather, it constituted a return of stolen property.
Moreover, although the League of Nations, as well as its Mandate for Palestine, was created in 1920 by only 41 nations, this initial group was hardly limited to the colonialist European Powers. In fact, only 39% of the charter members of the League of Nations were even European nations, let alone colonialist European nations. These charter members were: ARGENTINA, AUSTRALIA, BELGIUM, BOLIVIA, BRAZIL, CANADA, CHILE, CHINA, COLOMBIA, CUBA, CZECHOSLOVAKIA (present-day CZECH REPUBLIC and SLOVAKIA), DENMARK, EL SALVADOR, FRANCE, GREECE, GUATEMALA, HAITI, HONDURAS, INDIA, ITALY, JAPAN, LIBERIA, NETHERLANDS, NEW ZEALAND, NICARAGUA, NORWAY, PANAMA, PARAGUAY, PERSIA (present-day IRAN), PERU, POLAND, PORTUGAL, ROMANIA, SIAM (present-day THAILAND), SPAIN, SWEDEN, SWITZERLAND, SOUTH AFRICA, UNITED KINGDOM, URUGUAY, VENEZUELA, and YUGOSLAVIA (present-day SERBIA, KOSOVO, MONTENEGRO, SLOVENIA, CROATIA, NORTH MACEDONIA and BOSNIA & HERZEGOVINA). And, by the time that the governing instrument of the Mandate for Palestine was issued in 1922, the following 10 additional nations had become members of the League of Nations: ALBANIA, AUSTRIA, BULGARIA, COSTA RICA, FINLAND, LUXEMBOURG, ESTONIA, LATVIA, LITHUANIA, and HUNGARY. Accordingly, if the criterion of legitimacy is to be the size of membership, then the League of Nations (which comprised 51 member States at the time of its issuance of the governing instrument of the Mandate for Palestine) was every bit an authoritative source of international law as is the United Nations (which comprised 51 member States at the time of its creation). In this context, it is noteworthy that Israel’s adversaries have never questioned the validity of resolutions which are harmful to the Jewish State based upon the inadequate membership size of the issuing organization. For example, United Nations General Assembly Resolution no. 194 continues to serve as the foundation for the global demand that the entirety of the hostile “Palestinian” Arab “refugee” population and its multigenerational foreign-born descendants be allowed to inundate Israel within its tiny and nonviable former 1949 armistice demarcation lines, despite the fact that, at the time of the Resolution’s issuance, the U.N. (which presently comprises 193 member States) comprised only 58 member States, and only 35 of those member States voted in favor of the Resolution.
Furthermore, there are many instruments of international law, decades older than the Mandate for Palestine, the continuing validities of which are not questioned Today, despite being promoted by the European colonialist Powers. Examples of these are the various international treaties created by the Hague Convention of 1899 and the Hague Convention of 1907 which established the Laws of War, the most renowned of which is the treaty formally known as “Convention (IV) Respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land, The Hague, 18 October 1907”.
Despite all of the foregoing, the argument is often made that demographic dominance trumps both legal and historical rights, meaning that -- despite the international juridical authority of the Mandate for Palestine (which explicitly based itself upon the Jewish people's de jure historical connection to the biblical Land of Israel) -- the “Palestinian” Arabs have nonetheless acquired some form of de facto collective ownership over Judea, Samaria, the eastern portion of Jerusalem and Gaza simply because (except in the eastern portion of Jerusalem where they constitute only a slight majority) they presently constitute the overwhelming majority of the population of the “West Bank” and Gaza. Since this demographic status was achieved largely due to the successive massacres and expulsions by the “Palestinian” Arabs of the Jews resident in these areas during the entire Mandatory period (from 1920 to1948), and due to the illegal restrictions instituted by Britain against Jewish immigration thereto and against Jewish land purchases therein (from 1939 to 1948), and due to the destruction by Jordan and Egypt -- in the wake of their illegal military occupations of these areas -- of all preexisting Jewish communities therein, thereby rendering these areas Judenrein (from 1948 to 1967), the “Palestinian” Arabs' present demographic dominance thereof hardly constitutes a moral imprimatur for their claim of de facto collective sovereignty thereto.
Nonetheless, per the Demographic Dominance doctrine, if the demographic inquiry is limited to Area C of Judea and Samaria (where the entire Jewish population thereof resides), then Area C belongs to the Jewish people, as -- with a population of approximately 450,000 as of January 2019 -- they presently constitute the overwhelming majority of Area C.
Furthermore, even had the “Palestinian” Arabs achieved their overall demographic dominance in these areas exclusively by peaceful and legitimate means, they would not thereby have acquired any collective sovereignty thereto. For example, the fact that ethnic Japanese, together with other Asian peoples, have long constituted the dominant population of the non-continental U.S. state of Hawaii does not thereby provide such local Japanese and other Asians with any claim of collective sovereignty to that archipelago (despite the fact that the Hawaiian Islands are more than 3,800 kilometers -- approximately 2,400 miles -- from the continental United States); and, consequently, that area will continue to be a lawful part of the United States irrespective of that state's present or future demographic character. Unsurprisingly, Israel is virtually the only State against which the international community has asserted the Demographic Dominance doctrine. Hypocritically, there is no international support for using this doctrine to coerce Syria, Iraq, Iran and Turkey to create from their Kurdish-dominated territories a sovereign State of Kurdistan. Nor is there any international support for using this doctrine to coerce Iran into permitting those portions of its territory which are dominated by non-Persian ethnicities (e.g., Kurds, Baluchis, Arabs and Azeris) to become independent States for those respective ethnicities. Consequently, even if certain portions of the Land of Israel are mostly populated by Gentiles, by virtue of the Mandate for Palestine, exclusive collective sovereignty over the entire Land of Israel will continue to lawfully inhere in the Jewish people irrespective of the present or future demographic characteristics of portions thereof and despite the fact that, due to demographic and diplomatic considerations, Israel has -- to date -- declined to apply its de jure sovereignty to all portions of the Land (i.e., Israel applied its de jure sovereignty to the eastern portion of Jerusalem in 1967 and to the Golan Heights in 1981, but has not yet done so with respect to Judea, Samaria or Gaza).
It is noteworthy that the United States (at the direction of President Donald Trump) has recognized Israeli sovereignty over both Jerusalem (in December 2017) and the Golan Heights (in March 2019). Moreover, the U.S. (at the direction of President Donald Trump) has also repudiated the political positions -- masquerading as legal positions -- adopted by virtually all other States in the World that the existence of Jewish communities in Judea and Samaria violate international law (in November 2019).
The “application of de jure sovereignty” rather than “annexation” is the legally-correct term for any future incorporation of Judea and Samaria (or portions thereof) into Israel proper, as “annexation” refers to one State’s unilateral incorporation of another State’s territory, which is generally (but not always) illegal under international law. Since Judea and Samaria never belonged either to Jordan (from which these lands were reacquired during the 1967 Six Day War) or to the Palestine Liberation Organization qua the “State of Palestine” (which, prior to and during the 1967 Six Day War, never ruled or otherwise possessed these lands or even claimed to exist as a State), their future incorporation into Israel proper would not be an annexation, but rather an application of de jure sovereignty to territories over which the Jewish people have an exclusive claim of sovereignty via the League of Nations’ Mandate for Palestine, which was made binding upon the United Nations per Article 80 of the U.N. Charter.
Moreover, if Arab demographic dominance requires the creation of a 22nd Arab State comprising the “West Bank” and (despite being physically separated from therefrom by more than 112 kilometers -- approximately 70 miles -- of land within Israel proper) Gaza, then why would wouldn’t Arab demographic dominance in certain portions of the Galilee and the Negev Desert require the addition of these non-contiguous areas within Israel proper to that already non-contiguous Arab State? Alternatively stated, the same demographic argument that justifies the creation of a “State of Palestine” comprising Judea, Samaria, the eastern portion of Jerusalem and Gaza also justifies the inclusion of large chunks of Israel proper within that new State. Consequently, accepting that legally-irrelevant Demographic Dominance doctrine as a basis for the creation of a “Palestinian” State would be grossly myopic.
Hypocritically, but unsurprisingly, the Palestinian Authority has rejected the converse hypothesis, namely, that Jewish demographic dominance in certain portions of the “West Bank” (including the existence of Jewish neighborhoods in the eastern portion of Jerusalem and in Hebron) justifies the addition of those areas to Israel proper. In this context, the Palestinian Authority has repeatedly declared that demographic dominance does not create -- and is not to be confused with -- territorial sovereignty. This statement is both legally and logically correct; and -- although not so intended by the Palestinian Authority -- it succinctly repudiates the Demographic Dominance doctrine advanced by those who seek to destroy the territorial integrity of the Land of Israel.
Finally, based upon an interpretive declaration by the International Committee of the Red Cross published in July 1967, the entire U.N. system (i.e., the U.N. Secretariat, the U.N. Security Council, the U.N. General Assembly, the U.N.’s constituent agencies and the U.N.’s affiliated organizations) thereafter eagerly declared that all Jewish communities and neighborhoods in Judea, Samaria and the eastern portion of Jerusalem (and formerly in Gaza) were illegal under international law because their very existence violated Article 49 of Section III of Part III of the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949 (formally known as the “Convention (IV) Relative To The Protection Of Civilian Persons In Time Of War, Geneva, 12 August 1949”), to which international agreement (but not its First Additional Protocol or Second Additional Protocol) Israel is a signatory State. It is noteworthy that, to date, Israel is the only State whose capture of territory has ever been declared by the ICRC and the U.N. system to be subject to -- let alone in violation of -- Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention.
Firstly, in order to determine that Israel’s reacquisition of its ancestral lands made its possession thereof subject to the Convention, the ICRC was forced to assert (despite the contrary language of Article 2 of the Convention) that it did not matter whether those lands ever belonged to the States (i.e., Jordan and Egypt) from whom they were taken. Secondly, in order to determine that Israel’s administration of those lands was in violation of the Convention, the ICRC was further forced to assert (despite the contrary language of Article 49 of the Convention) that it did not matter whether Israel had permitted, rather than forced, some of its citizens to relocate to those reacquired lands.
Torturing the language and meaning of the Convention in order to delegitimize Israel’s lawful reacquisition of its ancestral lands on behalf of the Jewish people will have unintended international consequences if the ICRC and other components of the U.N. system actually attempt to apply the foregoing analysis to a reacquiring State other than Israel.
For example, in February 2014, Russia occupied Ukraine’s Crimean Peninsula after ethnic Russians (some of whom who were resident in Crimea and others of whom were infiltrated into Crimea by Russia) rebelled against Ukraine and expelled ethnic Ukrainians therefrom. Per the ICRC’s absurd analysis of the Convention, if Ukraine ever recaptures Crimea, then (1) Ukraine’s possession of Crimea will be subject to the Convention, and (2) Ukraine will be barred by the Convention from permitting -- let alone from encouraging -- mainland Ukrainians to relocate to Crimea and to build new communities therein. In sum, according to the ICRC’s analysis of the Convention, Ukraine’s lawful reacquisition of Crimea would render Ukraine merely its Occupying Power rather than its Sovereign. No reacquiring State will ever accept such a twisted interpretation of international law.
Moreover, according to this same perverse analysis, Azerbaijan’s lawful reacquisition in 2020 of most of Nagorno-Karabakh and environs, territory that had been illegally occupied by Armenia since 1993, has rendered Azerbaijan merely its Occupying Power rather than its Sovereign, meaning that Azerbaijan’s possession thereof is subject to the Convention, and that Azerbaijan is consequently barred from permitting -- let alone from encouraging -- its citizens to relocate thereto and to build new communities therein. However, unsurprisingly, this repugnant interpretation of international law has not been applied by any component of the U.N. system to Azerbaijan. In truth, the latter need not fear that its repopulation of such reacquired territory will be labeled a “war crime” by the International Committee of the Red Cross, by the U.N. Human Rights Council, by the International Criminal Court or by any other component of the U.N. system.
A review of Article 2 of the Convention makes it clear that, although the conduct of hostilities (and their aftermath) between signatory (and/or compliant) States is always subject to the Convention, a State’s administration of land that it has seized from another State is subject to the Convention only if the seized land was territory of the latter State.
Article 2 of Part I of the Convention states that the Convention binds and benefits the “High Contracting Parties” thereto (i.e., the signatory States), as well as those non-signatory States which voluntarily undertake to be compliant therewith, in “all cases of declared war or of any other armed conflict” between such States or in “all cases of partial or total occupation of the territories of a High Contracting Party” -- meaning, in situations either of ongoing hostilities between such States (whether or not accompanied by the occupation by one such State of the territory of another such State) or of the occupation by one such State of the territory of another such State (whether or not accompanied by ongoing hostilities between such States). In either situation, per the applicability standards set forth in Article 2 of the Convention, those provisions of the Convention which apply to captured lands -- namely, Section III of Part III of the Convention, comprising Articles 47 - 78 thereof, entitled “Occupied Territories” -- apply only to those captured lands which belonged to the signatory (or compliant) State from which they were seized.
The legal distinction between (a) capturing territory from a State (rendering the issue of prior territorial sovereignty wholly irrelevant) and (b) capturing territory of a State (rendering the issue of prior territorial sovereignty crucially relevant) is essential to the Convention, which is precisely why Article 2 thereof states that the Convention narrowly applies only to the occupation of “territories of a High Contracting Party” rather than more broadly to the occupation of “territories captured from a High Contracting Party”.
Moreover, since the Convention does not purport to determine which territories on planet Earth belong to which signatory (or compliant) States, the Convention is legally and logically irrelevant to issues of territorial sovereignty. Consequently, the Convention can never be used as a basis for determining the international legal status of captured territory (i.e., whether captured land lawfully belonged to the State from whom it was seized, or to the State by whom it was seized, or to a nonparticipating third State). To repeat: If -- and only if -- captured territory belonged to the State from whom it was seized, then -- and only then -- are Articles 47 - 78 of the Convention applicable to the capturing State’s administration of those lands. And it bears reiterating that in 1948 the “West Bank”, Gaza and the Golan Heights belonged exclusively to the Jewish National Home (pursuant to the Mandate for Palestine), which means that Transjordan, Egypt and Syria were their respective Occupiers rather than their respective Sovereigns in 1967 when Israel reacquired these territories from those States in a defensive War.
Article 2 of the Convention states, in full, as follows:
Application of the Convention
In addition to the provisions which shall be implemented in peacetime, the present Convention shall apply to all cases of declared war or of any other armed conflict which may arise between two or more of the High Contracting Parties, even if the state of war is not recognized by one of them.
The Convention shall also apply to all cases of partial or total occupation of the territories of a High Contracting Party, even if the said occupation meets with no armed resistance.
Although one of the Powers in conflict may not be a party to the present Convention, the Powers who are parties thereto shall remain bound by it in their mutual relations. They shall furthermore be bound by the Convention in relation to the said Power, if the latter accepts and applies the provisions thereof.
Article 49 of the Convention states, in full, as follows:
Deportations, transfers, evacuations
Individual or mass forcible transfers, as well as
deportations of protected persons from occupied territory to the territory of
the Occupying Power or to that of any other country, occupied or not, are
prohibited, regardless of their motive.
Nevertheless, the Occupying Power may undertake total or partial evacuation of a given area if the security of the population or imperative military reasons so demand. Such evacuations may not involve the displacement of protected persons outside the bounds of the occupied territory except when for material reasons it is impossible to avoid such displacement. Persons thus evacuated shall be transferred back to their homes as soon as hostilities in the area in question have ceased.
The Occupying Power undertaking such transfers or evacuations shall ensure, to the greatest practicable extent, that proper accommodation is provided to receive the protected persons, that the removals are effected in satisfactory conditions of hygiene, health, safety and nutrition, and that members of the same family are not separated.
The Protecting Power shall be informed of any transfers and evacuations as soon as they have taken place.
The Occupying Power shall not detain protected persons in an area particularly exposed to the dangers of war unless the security of the population or imperative military reasons so demand.
The Occupying Power shall not deport or transfer parts of its own civilian population into the territory it occupies.
Although Article 49 of the Convention prohibits a signatory (or compliant) State from “deport[ing] or transfer[ring] parts of its own civilian population” from its own territory into captured territory of another signatory (or compliant) State, that Article clearly assumes rather than proves the existence of an occupation, which status is actually determined via Article 2 of the Convention; and it bears reiterating that Judea, Samaria, the eastern portion of Jerusalem and Gaza were not territories of another State (whether signatory, compliant or otherwise), as these areas never belonged either to those sovereign signatory States -- Jordan and Egypt -- from which they were reacquired or to the non-sovereign “Palestinian” Arabs who have presently asserted their fictitious claim of collective ownership thereto. Rather, under the international legal authority of the Mandate for Palestine, these captured areas -- being portions of the internationally-authorized Jewish National Home -- have continued to belong collectively only to the Jewish people. And, although Israel’s and its adversaries’ conduct of the Six Day War was subject to Convention, the fact that the foregoing lands captured by the Jewish State in that War lawfully belonged to the Jewish people prevents any provision of the Convention (including Article 49 thereof) from regulating the Jewish State’s administration of these lands.
Yet, even if the Convention were to be applicable to Israel’s present possession and administration of Area C of Judea and Samaria, Israel has nonetheless not violated Article 49 thereof precisely because Israel has not deported or transferred any portion of its population from its pre-1967 territory into that post-1967 territory. Rather, portions of the Jewish people have themselves voluntarily relocated thereto. Furthermore, this voluntary relocation effort was initially commenced without prior authorization from the Israeli government and in direct violation of the government’s initial policy of barring Jewish settlement in these areas. Moreover, not all of the Jewish communities established in these areas were new, as many were former Jewish communities that had been destroyed by the Arabs during the 1948 War of Independence (or earlier) and were subsequently rebuilt by the returning Jewish population. Moreover, a substantial portion of the Jews presently residing in these areas did not even relocate thereto; rather, they were born there. It is noteworthy that there is no provision in Article 49 of the Convention that imposes upon an occupant State any obligation to prevent its citizens from relocating to, or being born within, territory captured by it. Nor is there any provision in Article 49 of the Convention that bars an occupant State from building homes (or entire towns), or requires an occupant State to prevent its citizens from building homes (or entire towns), within territory captured by it.
In a related perversion of international law, every component of the U.N. system and virtually all States ironically ignore the Convention when they assert that Israel is presently occupying not only Area C of Judea and Samaria but rather the entirety of the “West Bank” and Gaza (despite the fact that the P.L.O. qua the Palestinian Authority rules Areas A & B of the “West Bank”, and Hamas rules Gaza). Per the Convention, this international assertion is contradicted by the fact that Israel exercises the functions of government only in Area C of the “West Bank”, which means that even if there were an Occupation (rather than a Reacquisition) in 1967, that Occupation ceased to exist with respect to Gaza and Areas A & B of the “West Bank” once Israel ceased ruling over the Arab residents of these areas. Article 6 of Part I of the Convention, states in full:
The present Convention shall apply from the outset of any conflict or occupation mentioned in Article 2.
In the territory of Parties to the conflict, the application of the present Convention shall cease on the general close of military operations.
In the case of occupied territory, the application of the present Convention shall cease one year after the general close of military operations; however, the Occupying Power shall be bound, for the duration of the occupation, to the extent that such Power exercises the functions of government in such territory, by the provisions of the following Articles of the present Convention: 1 to 12, 27, 29 to 34, 47, 49, 51, 52, 53, 59, 61 to 77, 143.
Protected persons whose release, repatriation or reestablishment may take place after such dates shall meanwhile continue to benefit by the present Convention.
Unsurprisingly, despite the explicit language of Articles 2 & 49, the international community has chosen to mendaciously interpret the Convention as barring any Jew from residing in Judea, Samaria, the eastern portion of Jerusalem, Gaza and the Golan Heights. However, if this interpretation were actually correct, then the Convention, as applied to Israel’s administration of these territories, would be in direct violation of Article 6 of the Mandate for Palestine, which authorizes: “… close settlement by Jews on the Land, including State lands and waste lands not required for public purposes.” Obviously, the Land referenced in Article 6 of the Mandate includes the foregoing reacquired territories.
Shortly after the United Nations changed the name of the “Palestinian” Permanent Observer delegation from “Palestine Liberation Organization” to “Palestine” in 1988, the Palestine Liberation Organization, acting as “the Government of the State of Pal